Master 2 in Development Economics and International Project Management (DEIPM)

Université Paris Est Créteil (UPEC) and Université Gustave Eiffel (UGE)

Article published as part of Wikigender University

Introduction

Freedom from violence is a human right for all. While considering human rights, it’s important to understand that human beings are multi-layered and complex, with various social identities that transcend to different and unique experiences. For this reason, when discussing gender-based violence, the concept of intersectionality can effectively ensure that no one’s experiences are being overlooked or intentionally dismissed. In this article, I address how an intersectional approach is needed to carefully address gender-based violence and most specifically violence against women, as not all women have the same likelihood to survive from violence because of their gender. Gender-based violence is one of the many obstacles that impede the realization of women’s empowerment.

Eliminating gender-based violence requires immediate attention and action. Based on OECD data, more than one in three women have suffered from intimate-partner violence at least once in their lifetime.[1]Practices such as child marriage are a reality for the lives of 15 million girls when measured every year. Gender-based violence and violence against women and girls present not only long-term physiological traumas for societies but also places large costs on economies. The global cost of violence against women was estimated to be US$1.5 trillion, equivalent to approximately 2% of the global gross domestic product (GDP), or roughly represented the entire size of the Canadian economy.[2]

The United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women states that “all the SDGs depend on the achievement of Goal 5.”[3] Sustainable Development Goal 5’s mandate is to achieve gender equality and to empower all women and girls by ensuring equal rights and opportunities as well as eliminating all forms of violence against all women and girls. This empowerment of half of the population will no doubt shape society. Yet undoubtedly some women and girls will be overlooked in this mandate. As a result, approaches to capture these women and girls along with their multiple dimensions of identity should be put into practice. An intersectional approach can help achieve Sustainable Development Goal 5 (SDG 5) to end all forms of discrimination and eliminate all forms of violence against all women and girls. Women and girls face different challenges thus there is not one solution that can achieve SDG 5.

The call for the SDG 5 is also relevant for men and boys. Gendered norms and opportunities govern the lives of men and boys. The experiences of individual men and boys can be used to hold men accountable to gender equitable that in turn benefits all human beings.

What is Gender-Based Violence?

Gender-based violence (GBV) is defined by the United Nations as violence that is directed against a person based on their gender or sex. During the 1995 Report of the Fourth World Conference on Women, violence against women was defined as “any act that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or private life.” This definition does not include for every form of violence a person may experience but rather those such as rape, domestic violence, sexual violence, psychological violence, and economic abuse that are fueled by the patriarchal culture and the power imbalance between men and women. Although women are also capable of perpetuating various forms of violence against men, gender-based violence affects women at a much higher rate. In fact, one in three women worldwide will experience gender-based violence (GBV) as will one in five men.[4] Furthermore, the data suggests that as many as 38% of all murders of women are committed by male partners.[5] The overwhelming majority of gender-based violence cases occur with men as the perpetrators. For this reason, this article will not use the term violence against women, as this term can overlook the responsibility of this issue on one gender rather than all genders.

Gender-based violence affects the lives of people of all backgrounds. In fact, one in three women in their lifetime are victims of gender-based violence.^[6] The current global pandemic of COVID-19 entails not only devastating traumas for survivors, but also includes significant costs for development. Studies reveal that in some countries, gender-based violence is estimated to cost up to 3.7% of their GDP.^[7] In retrospect this figure is more than double what most governments spend on education. Despite the fact that 35% of women worldwide are victims of sexual or physical partner violence, our society does not treat victims of gender-based violence the same.^[8] Discrimination in our societies creates barriers to the ways in which survivors of gender-based violence can seek help and recovery. A concept that explores various forms of discrimination and oppression can provide better solutions to all groups of people.

What is intersectionality?

The theory of intersectionality was first developed in 1984 by Dr. Kimberlé Crenshaw, a famed African American feminist activist, professor and lawyer. Crenshaw coined the concept of intersectionality as tool to understand the specific forms of discrimination by both race and sex. Crenshaw’s work demonstrated how the experiences of inequality for Black women took place at the intersection of racism and sexism. The barriers Black women faced when trying to seek redress around discrimination were challenged by the ideas of sexism constructed around white women and racism designed around Black men.[9]

In attempts to demonstrate how Black women in the United States face the intersections of racism and sexism, Crenshaw attempted to show how these two dimensions cannot be analysed separately to fully understand prejudices in society. Intersectionality has also been used to understand one’s experiences at the intersection of various identities including but not limited to race, social class, ethnicity, gender, disability, nationality, religion or immigration status.

In recent years, intersectionality has become a popular term in the hope to demolish societal hierarchies that perpetuate racism. The concept can be used to understand the multi-facets of oppression that affect groups of people in different ways. Intersecting factors can result to different profiles of vulnerability across women and girls even within the same country. For example, in the United States, Black and Native American women are twice as likely to live in poverty when compared to white women.[10] In Nigeria, women and girls from poor households are nearly five times as likely to be child brides compared to those from rich households.[11]

People can be discriminated against for their race or gender yet often, the intersection of both race and gender is not considered in policymaking. Furthermore, the systems we use to fight against discrimination in our societies can be constructed around a single identity rather than multiple or intersectional identities that includes all people. It should be noted that there is not a hierarchical degree of inequalities and oppression when adopting an intersectional framework to gender-based violence.

Intersectional Approaches to Gender-Based Violence

In solving gender-based violence, intersectionality can be used to understand how overlapping identities can create a particular experience of violence. The UN Women’s Handbook for National Action Plans on Violence Against Women (2012) recommends that policies to fight against gender violence should recognise that factors such as race, skin color, religion, political stance, nationality, marital status, sexual orientation, HIV/AIDS status, migrant or refugee status, age, or disability can affect one’s experiences of violence.^[12] The lived experiences of intersectional identities must be taken into account to develop responses when addressing GBV.

In the United States, studies continue to reveal that Black women as well as those identifying as lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender experience higher rates of gender-based violence. In fact, more than four in ten Black women have experienced violence from an intimate partner.^[13] The data reveals that Black women are at higher risk of sexual violence when compared to White women, Latinas, and Asian/Pacific Islander women.^[14] Lesbian and transgender women also face higher risk of sexual violence. Furthermore, LBGTQ experiences are often excluded in strategies to curb gender violence.^[15]

By adopting an intersectional approach, agencies that provide assistance to combat gender-based violence can better help victims overcome the specific barriers they may face. For example, if we imagine a situation where a victim of gender-based violence is a Black woman who lives in a poor neighborhood, this person may face several barriers when attempting to seek help. The multi-facets of her identity may put her in a position where not only being a woman is perpetuating the violence being inflicted upon her but also her social-economic status and race operating within an oppressive institution.

In countries throughout the world, oppression and domination has been a major feature of history. Racist and classist institutions that have upheld oppression in societies have the ability to fuel injustices that ignore gender-based violence and in turn stagnant development. An intersectional approach in promoting development could assist in confronting the unequal power dynamics in societies, not only for women but also for those who are not able to fully participate in the economy due to their race, class or poverty-level. Case studies in the United States and South Africa exemplify a culture of dominance in which race and class oppression has created a culture of violence against women. As a result, violence against half of the nation’s population is creating barriers for development. Intersectionality can help us better understand and solve the various levels of inequalities that encompasses the oppression of women and of all people. 

Conclusion

The shortcoming arises when we are unaware of which women and girls are the most vulnerable. There is a lack of data on women and girls, suggesting that their needs or experiences are not a priority when it comes to policymaking as well as in turn hampering our ability to understand gender differences.[16] Disaggregating data by sex is an important first step to identity, understand and address the ways in which gender inequalities are affecting women’s lives. Furthermore, datasets do not always reflect the fact that women are not a homogenous group defined by their gender alone. The multiple dimensions of one’s identity is often neglected in data collection and analysis. The language used in surveys along with the methods used to collect and analyse data can unveil or obscure inequalities. Inclusive datasets can be a powerful tool to uncover inequities.

The OECD Development Centre’s Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI) provides data on discrimination against women in social institutions across 180 countries. By measuring laws, social norms and practices that affect women and girls, the SIGI aims to capture the root causes of gender discrimination in order to provide the evidence required for transformative and intersectional policymaking.[17] The SIGI is also an official source for monitoring SDG 5.1.1 “Whether or not legal frameworks are in place to promote, enforce and monitor gender equality and women’s empowerment.”

Policies can be made in an intersectional framework by promoting women’s leadership. For example, to design a policy that ensures VAGW services needs are met for all women, policies should be designed by all women. Further, when understanding that Black women face multiple forms of marginalisation based on their identity, the appropriate responses needed would be designed by Black women themselves to capture the intersecting oppressions that Black women face. To meaningfully address violence perpetuated towards women and girls, it is critical that policies are conceived considering these intersecting oppressions. Emphasising the involvement of minority women in policymaking and implementation can help design sustainable policies around practical needs and priorities of minority groups, in turn creating solutions to gender-based violence that is rooted in the social, cultural, political, and economic reality of all women. Therefore, tackling significant barriers such as poverty, discrimination, insecure housing, and lack of access to education, employment and healthcare is essential to ensuring the elimination of gender-based violence.

In conclusion, intersectionality confronts the roots of the power imbalances, in turn creating a framework for human rights policymaking. Intersectionality applied to policies that aim to mitigate gender-based violence may help bridge the gaps between prejudices in societies. This concept can be implemented in policymaking by applying a specific focus on groups that are marginalised. In doing so, policies must acknowledge all perspectives and experiences. As commonly said, policymaking is not a one size fits all option. For this reason, intersectionality is key in developing effective strategies to combat gender-based violence.

References

Crenshaw, K. (1994). Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence against Women of Color. In R. K. Bergen, J. L. Edleson, & C. M. Renzetti, Violence against women: Classic papers (p. 282–313). Pearson Education New Zealand.

Criado-Perez (2019), Bill and Melinda Gates. “We Didn’t See This Coming,” Gates Notes. February, 12 2019.

Gentlewarrior, S., & Fountain, K. (2009). Culturally competent service provision to lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender survivors of sexual violence. VAWnet, National Online Resource Center on Violence Against Women: http://new.vawnet.org/ Assoc_Files_VAWnet/AR_ LGBTSexualViolence.pdf

Green, Susan (2020).  “Violence against Black Women – Many Types, Far-Reaching Effects,” https://iwpr.org/iwpr-issues/race-ethnicity-gender-and-economy/violence-against-black-women-many-types-far-reaching-effects/.

Human Rights Campaign (2021). “Sexual Assault and the LGBTQ Community.” https://www.hrc.org/resources/sexual-assault-and-the-lgbt-community.

Imkaan. The Value of Intersectionality In Understanding Violence Against Women and Girls (VAWG). EU/UN Women’s Programme.

“Gender.” OECD. Accessed May 13, 2021. https://www.oecd.org/gender/vaw.htm.

Sosa, L. (2017). Intersectionality and Violence against Women. In Intersectionality in the Human Rights Legal Framework on Violence against Women: At the Centre or the Margins? (pp. 13-40). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Sustainable Development Goal 5: Gender equality. UN Women. (n.d.). https://www.unwomen.org/en/news/in-focus/women-and-the-sdgs/sdg-5-gender-equality.

UN Women (2013). Costs of Violence. United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women, Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific.

World Bank (2019). “Gender-Based Violence (Violence Against Women and Girls).” https://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/socialsustainability/brief/violence-against-women-and-girls.

World Health Organization. (2013). Global and regional estimates of violence against women: prevalence and health effects of intimate partner violence and non-partner sexual violence. World Health Organization.

[1]OECD (2019), SIGI 2019 Global Report: Transforming Challenges into Opportunities, Social Institutions and Gender Index, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/bc56d212-en.

[2] Ibid.

[3] Sustainable Development Goal 5: Gender equality. UN Women. (n.d.). https://www.unwomen.org/en/news/in focus/women-and-the-sdgs/sdg-5-gender-equality.

[4] Facts and figures: Ending violence against women: What we do. UN Women. (n.d.). https://www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/ending-violence-against-women/facts-and-figures.

[5] World Health Organization. (2013). Global and regional estimates of violence against women: prevalence and health effects of intimate partner violence and non-partner sexual violence. World Health Organization.

^[6] World Bank (2019). “Gender-Based Violence (Violence Against Women and Girls).” https://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/socialsustainability/brief/violence-against-women-and-girls.

^[7] Ibid.

^[8] Ibid.

[9] Imkaan. The Value of Intersectionality In Understanding Violence Against Women and Girls (VAWG). EU/UN Women’s Programme.

[10] UN Women (2012), “Handbook for National Action Plans on Violence against Women,”  UN Women Headquarters

[11] Ibid.

^[12] UN Women (2012).

^[13] Green, Susan (2020) “Violence against Black Women – Many Types, Far-Reaching Effects,” IWPR.

^[14] Ibid.

^[15]  Gentlewarrior, S., & Fountain, K. (2009). “Culturally competent service provision to lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender survivors of sexual violence.” National Online Resource Center on Violence Against Women.

[16] Criado-Perez (2019), Bill and Melinda Gates. “We Didn’t See This Coming,” Gates Notes. February, 12 2019.

[17] “Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI),” accessed May 13, 2021, https://www.genderindex.org/.

• Gender, Disability and Development, by Yasmine Bencherif
• Intersectional Responses to Gender-based Violence, by Darian Edelman (forthcoming)
• Women, Peace and Security: 20 years of the 1325 resolution, by Louise Orier (forthcoming)
• The impact of the ‘Universal two-child policy’ on Chinese women, by Ruoyu Wang (forthcoming)

Master 2 in Development Economics and International Project Management (DEIPM)

Université Paris Est Créteil (UPEC) and Université Gustave Eiffel (UGE)

Article published as part of Wikigender University

Context

In this article we explore the relationship between disability and gender. Divided into three parts, the first section compiles research on this intersectionality, describing the gendering process through the lens of a disability. Section two distinguishes between masculine and feminine coping mechanisms and highlights findings on gender differences in healthcare services. The final section, section three, takes on a global approach and compares treatment and accessibility for disabled persons between developed and developing regions. The purpose of this article is to showcase the potential for gendered research to act as a catalyst in healthcare and development.

Section I. The Intersection between Gender and Disability

Section 1.1: Defining Gender

According to the World Health Organization (WHO), gender is the socially constructed behaviours, norms and expectations associated with being a woman, man, boy or girl^[1]. Societal expectations for gender are typically rooted in a person’s biological sex, even if sex and gender do not explicitly overlap. We note that the nature of these expectations has varied over time and continues to vary from culture to culture.

Section 1.2: Defining Disability  

Disability is defined as any limitation of the body or mind that makes it more difficult for a person to participate and interact with the world around them^[2]. The WHO is careful to note that disability is a natural element of being human, given that almost everyone experiences either a temporary or permanent disability at some point in their lifetime^[3]. Disability encompasses limitations in the capacity to see, move, think, remember, learn, communicate, hear, or engage socially, among other functions. This non-exhaustive list makes clear that some disabilities are more visible, and in some cases more impairing, than others. The implications resulting from a disability can be a product not only of the type of impairment but also the severity and onset of the condition.

Section 1.3: Intersectionality Between Gender and Disability

Theories on the relationship between disability and gender seek to address the ways in which disability affects the gendering process as well as to identify a disability’s impact on the experience of gender. Sociologists and anthropologists have concluded that disability is a social condition with many arguing that the greatest impediments brought by disability are rooted in stigmatization^[4].  The stigma attributed to disability limits an individual’s capacity to enact gender in the “appropriately” masculine and feminine constructs, and this is increasingly true the more visible and severe the condition. For example, consider masculine constructs of strength and physical dominance and how a physical disability could limit an individual from displaying these characteristics “appropriately”. A mental disability can also greatly implicate an individual’s display, interpretation of, or capacity to understand gender norms. The degree to which a disability implicates gender performance is impacted not only by the severity of the condition but also by the age of onset. The earlier the onset of the disability the more likely the individual is to interpret gender socialisation through the lens of the condition and its resulting stigmas.

Researchers have identified the distinction between men and women’s experience of disability as “sexism without the pedestal” for women and the “erosion of male privilege” for men.^[5] From this assertion, we yield that stigmatization surrounding disability is strongly intertwined with the gendering process. Gerschick (2000) identifies three social dynamics which contextualize gender within disabilities: (1) the stigma assigned to disability, (2) gender as an interactional process and (3) the importance of the body to enact gender. In the following section, we expand on Gerschick’s third social dynamic.

Section 1.4: Stigmatization and Disability

Anthropologist Robert Murphy in his novel The Body Silent: The Different World of the Disabled describes stigmatization as the essence of disability (1990, 113). From the same token, we extrapolate that gender and its resulting stigmas are impacting on the perception and experience of one’s disability. Testimonials from disabled persons repeatedly cite experiences of marginalisation, discrimination, isolation and devaluation.^[6] In the following section, we explore the “double disadvantage” imposed on disabled women.

Section 1.5: Double Disadvantage

In the above sections we assert that disability is a largely interactional process, and that much of the experience of a disability is attributed to social expectations and attached stigmas. Further, we purport that this stigmatization is not fixed but rather varies from person to person based on their perceived experience, ability to meet expectations, as well as the severity and onset of their condition.

Women that are disabled suffer from a “double disadvantage” of sorts where they are subjected not only to the stigmatization (and resulting discrimination) associated with being disabled but also that of being a woman. The burden of a double disadvantage is evidenced in the disproportionate likelihood for disabled women to be sexually assaulted as well as the maintenance of a gender pay gap across cohorts of disability relatively equal in severity.^[7]

Section II. Coping Mechanisms and Healthcare Treatments 

Section 2.1: Gendered Differences in Coping Mechanisms

Studies on coping mechanisms and styles identify strong distinctions between visually impaired men and women, which suggests that women may face greater difficulty in the experience of their disability compared to their male counterparts. For example, an assessment of coping mechanisms for visual impairment found that women experienced greater mental distress and dissatisfaction with their health and psychological well-being. A study measuring participants’ perceptions of their ability to understand and communicate, get around, care for themselves, get along with people, perform household tasks and participate in society found that women fared worse in all domains with the exception of getting along with others and coping in school activities.^[8]

Section 2.2: Gendered Differences in Disabilities

Gendered differences in disability are evidenced not only by the effectiveness of coping strategies but also by gendered discrepancies in prevalence. Studies find that women have either a significantly higher prevalence or worsened experience in visual impairment, psychological disorders and physical disabilities.

Section 2.2.1: Visual Impairment

Even though the majority of visually impairing conditions are either preventable or treatable, women account for 64% of global blindness. When adjusted for age, women’s prevalence is still 39% higher than men.^[9] This suggests potential failures in the delivery of equitable access to health services.

Studies find that trachoma, a bacterial infection leading to blindness or visual impairment, is not linked with biological sex; however, women are between 2 to 4 times more likely to be infected than men. Women are also twice as likely to develop serious trichiasis compared to men. Significantly higher prevalence of trachoma in women is linked with increased exposure to infection resulting from traditional responsibilities in childcare and hygiene-related tasks. Studies also highlight differences in the quality of eye care administered between men and women, likely as a result of cultural norms pertaining to gender.^[10]

Section 2.2.2: Psychological Health

The WHO asserts that there are no sex-driven explanations for gendered differences in the prevalence, onset and course of psychological disorders. Discrepancies are attributed to the interaction between biological and social vulnerability, gender roles and gender-based violence which may account for higher prevalence and comorbidity among women.^[11]

These implications on the likelihood of suffering from a psychological disorder suggest that a woman’s exposure to and capacity to cope with a disability is negatively impacted by the gendering process. Other studies point to gender bias in measures of psychological well-being, with assessments favoring gender-masculine traits to evaluate as psychologically well.^[12]

Section 2.2.3: Physical Disability

Studies on the interactive process between appraisal of the self and depressive symptoms in the physically disabled highlight the distinction between men and women’s coping experiences. Women with physical disabilities tend to exhibit similar experiences in comparison to women with other disabilities. Contrastingly, men with physical disabilities tend to experience psychological distress through their self-esteem evaluations as well as a sense of devaluation both of which strongly indicate depressive symptoms.^[13] These findings suggest that the needed attention on gender implications may vary from disability to disability.

Section 2.3: Gender Disparities in Treatment

Sex differences in the prevalence or severity of a condition can also be the result of some extra environmental cause, like a systemic failure in healthcare. For example, the increased likelihood for a woman to suffer from a preventable or treatable condition can be due to limited or biased access to treatment. Gender has the potential to limit access to treatment if the contextual norm impacts perceptions of vulnerability, value, autonomy or trust.

The lens through which care-providers communicate and make recommendations for their patient is equally as important as the patients’ willingness to be treated. Both of these elements are susceptible to waiver in the presence of gender bias. For example, studies find that women are much less likely to seek treatment than men. After controlling for differences in demographics, social factors, health needs and economic access, studies find that women use hospital services 21% less than men. ^[14] This study suggests that from a caregiver’s perspective this could have to do with a reluctance to subject women to riskier treatment options. From a patient’s perspective, women may be less likely to accept intensive care due to their own caregiving responsibilities. These findings suggest that repositioning childcare as an androgynous quality could greatly improve women’s experiences in healthcare treatment.

Section III. Global Approach to Accessibility and Treatment

The studies referenced in this article feature case studies from middle-income and low-income countries in Africa, Asia and the Middle East. In this section, we expand on varying approaches to disability in developing regions.

In a collaborative report on disability, the WHO and World Bank (WB) make a strong distinction between developed and developing countries and their relationships with disability. Although developed countries typically offer greater assistance, disabled persons in developed countries are still typically worse off in their educational and labour market prospects than non-disabled persons with the exception of Norway, Slovakia and Sweden. In developing countries, the World Health Survey identifies households with disabled members as having significantly higher healthcare expenditures than households without disabled members.

Despite a universally higher likelihood to be impoverished if disabled, developing nations have notably insufficient services and provisions for people with disabilities in comparison with developed nations. The World Report on Disability compiles studies across regions in Africa and Asia which indicate a slew of unmet needs in health, welfare, aid, equipment, education and employment. For example, in Malawi, Namibia, Zambia and Zimbabwe less than 50% of the aforementioned needs are met. National studies in Morocco cited limited access to services as one of the most critical barriers for the disabled. Likewise, national studies in China found that approximately 1 in every 4 disabled persons receives no assistance of any kind for their disability.^[15]

According to the Global Gender Gap Report (2020), countries in the Middle East, South Asia, and Sub-Saharan Africa scored amongst the lowest in gender equality.^[16] Current research on the intersectionality between gender and disability does not touch on the discrepancy between developed and developing regions. We believe that the parallels in gender equitability and disability inclusion across development highlight an interesting potential channel for policy reform.

We recommend the inclusion of gender education in existing programs for disability inclusion as well as components addressing disability and access to healthcare in current gender-equality agendas. Global commitments like the Inclusive Education Initiative and the Disability-Inclusive Education in Africa Program have the potential to shift, or otherwise reframe, gender narratives which are worsening outcomes for disabled men and women. ^[17] For example, UNESCO has encouraged countries to advocate for inclusive educational policies, programmes and practices so that children with diverse learning challenges can have improved outcomes[18]. In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, educational reform and inclusivity have become major areas of focus in the recovery process. Partnerships based in inclusive, sustainable reform will be key to address many of the issues worsened by the pandemic including quality and accessible education. Implementing reforms in line with the vision of building back a more inclusive world will depend heavily on diversity and empowering minority groups like women and the disabled. The partnership between UNESCO and Global Education Coalition leans into this recovery opportunity and emphasizes the role of the Global Action on Disability Network (GLAD) in their decision-making processes and discussions[19].

As mentioned before, disability is a condition innate to the human experience whether it occurs temporarily or permanently, through early or late onset. Of the same token, gender and its pervasive influence on our perception and behaviors is another often overlooked yet universal experience. Incorporating disability in gender inclusive efforts serves more than just the disabled, and this perspective should be incorporated in policy reform and debate. We suggest that the intersectionality between disability and gender belong at the forefront of policy agendas to serve both developed and developing contexts.

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^[1] World Health Organization. (2019, June 19). Gender and health. World Health Organization / Home / Health Topics / Gender. https://www.who.int/health-topics/gender#tab=tab_1

[2] Center for Disease Control and Prevention. (2020, September 15). Disability and Health Overview | CDC. https://www.cdc.gov/ncbddd/disabilityandhealth/disability.html

^[3] World Health Organization. (2020, January 27). Disability. https://www.who.int/health-topics/disability#tab=tab_1

^[4] Gerschick, T. (2000). Toward a Theory of Disability and Gender. Signs, 25(4), 1263-1268. Retrieved January 29, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/3175525

^[5] Fine, M., & Asch, A. (1988). Disability beyond stigma: Social interaction, discrimination, and activism. Journal of Social Issues, 44(1), 3–21. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-4560.1988.tb02045.x

^[6]See footnote 5 reference.

^[7]See footnote 5 reference.

^[8]Badr HE, Mourad H Assessment of visual disability using the WHO disability assessment scale (WHO-DAS-II): role of gender British Journal of Ophthalmology 2009;93:1365-1370.

^[9] See footnote 8 reference.

^[10] Doyal L, Das-Bhaumik RG. Sex, gender and blindness: a new framework for equity. BMJ Open Ophthalmology 2018 3:e000135. doi:10.1136/bmjophth-2017-00135

^[11] World Health Organization (WHO). (2002). Gender and mental Health. https://www.who.int/gender/other_health/genderMH.pdf

^[12] Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2019, 16(19), 3531; https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph16193531

^[13] Brown, R.L. Psychological Distress and the Intersection of Gender and Physical Disability: Considering Gender and Disability-Related Risk Factors. Sex Roles 71, 171–181 (2014). https://doi-org.ezproxy.u-pec.fr/10.1007/s11199-014-0385-5

^[14] Cameron, K. A., Song, J., Manheim, L. M., & Dunlop, D. D. (2010). Gender disparities in health and healthcare use among older adults. Journal of women’s health (2002), 19(9), 1643–1650. https://doi.org/10.1089/jwh.2009.1701

^[15] World Health Organization [and] The World Bank. (2011). World report on disability. Geneva, Switzerland :World Health Organization,

^[16] World Economic Forum. (2020). Global Gender Gap Report 2020. http://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GGGR_2020.pdf

^[17] The World Bank IBRDA + IDA. (2021). Disability Inclusion Overview. World Bank. https://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/disability#3

[18] UNESCO. (2021, April 9). Education for persons with disabilities. https://en.unesco.org/themes/inclusion-in-education/disabilities

[19] UNESCO. (2021b, May 4). GEM 2020: Ensuring a focus on inclusion, equity, and gender equality. https://en.unesco.org/news/gem-2020-ensuring-focus-inclusion-equity-and-gender-equality

Introduction

Most of the employment in Thailand is concentrated in the agricultural sector (41.1 percent of the labour force in 2011 was working in this sector)Thailand’s progress in agriculture: Managing transition and sustaining productivity growth ODI website,(2010) Retrieved 24 July 2012. The development of the country’s economy strongly depends on agricultural production. However, Thailand’s National Economic and Social Development Strategic planhttp://eng.nesdb.go.th/Retrieved 25 July 2012 focuses on the growth of the country’s development such as the GDP http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gross_domestic_product…Retrieved 25 July 2012, infrastructure, transportation and construction. These are the reasons why workers prefer to work in urban rather than rural areas. Therefore, farmers, especially women who are in the agricultural sector, move to the cities with high expectations of better economic opportunities. People also have increasingly more opportunities to study. The younger generation is among the one that thinks that the agricultural sector is hard work, with uncertain income and unsecure welfare, and therfore prefers to work in the industry and service sectors. Rate in agriculture and non-agricultural work. Source: National Statistical Office (2011), Survey of Working, 1990-2011 National Statistical Office Thailand,(2003) http://service.nso.go.th/nso/nsopubli…/news_lfsdirect.jspRetrieved 26 July 2012 The above chart demonstrates that the working pattern of the Thai workforce has definitely changed. Most of the workers have moved from the agricultural sector to the non-agricultural sector since Thailand faced the economic crisis in 1997, when the number of workers in the agricultural sector and those in the non-agricultural sector was not that different (16.5 million). In 1998, following the economic crisis and as the economy began to recover, many workers returned to work in the agricultural sector, which increased the number of non-agricultural workers again. Since 1999, the non-agricultural workers are the majority of wokers in the agricultural sector. The differences are more striking. If the trend continues, we estimate that if an agricultural country like Thailand wants to keep its name of the “World’s Kitchen” National Statistical Office Thailand,(2003) Land ownersRetrieved 26 July 2012, the country may have to rely on migrant workers more to replace the missing Thai workers in the agricultural sector. This issue of potential labour shortage is a priority for Thailand.

The story of Somsri

Somsri is one of many women that moved from the province of Roi Et, in Northeastern Thailand to work in the city. She used to have land, a house property and she was working in the agricultural sector. Due to severe droughts and as it was becoming difficult to perceive a regular income, she decided to start a business by selling noodles in Bangkok. She thought that moving to the city would improve her living conditions. Now she says that she enjoys a good living standard in Bangkok, but she misses her home. As soon as she has gathered enough savings, she says she would like to return home. Somsri is just one example of several hundred families that think about working in the capital city to make their lives better and improve the well-being of their families.

Female labour migration from rural to urban areas

The information above demonstrated how quickly the values and attitudes of people who live in the country today changed, as more and more workers come to seek a job in the city. There is a number of sectors such as manufacturing, the industrial sector and trade that continue to grow. This type of work requires delicate care and does not require as much effort as the type of work that can be found in the agricultural sector, so women are able to find employment relatively easily.

Reasons why women want to move to urban areas

1. Quality of life: a good income is needed to sustain a good standard of life, and the city offers more opportunities to achieve this.
2. Education: most workers who are in the agricultural sector have a relatively low level of education. By moving to the cities, women have more opportunities to complete their education.
3. The age of the workforce: The older generation remains in the village and is not able to make a living alone. So by moving to the cities, the younger generation helps their parents and grand-parents to enjoy a good living standard.
4. The attitude of people: young people find work in the agricultural sector to be very hard and prefer to find easier work in the cities. Therefore, it is inevitable for women to play a role in the labour market as much as men.

The impact of female labour migration

The effect of moving residents out of the rural economy

Income coming from remittances is sent back to the original local population, which has a positive consequence on the distribution of income among the rural population.

The impact on the economy

1. Unemployment and under-employment: due to the high level of female migration to the cities, there is an over-supply of labour. In addition, many employers are using new technology to substitute female labour, which has led to higher unemployment levels. Furthermore, many migrant women are unskilled workers, so they have to accept lower wages. This often means that women demonstrate and call strikes to ask for higher wages.
2. The issue of housing and urban congestion: migrant workers first start off in the city by living with relatives or friends until they find work and have enough savings to live on their own. Some workers have gathered to live in slum areas, having no family or friends in the cities.
3. The homeless: women immigrants who are unemployed face extreme poverty conditions. They decide to live in the street and beg for money, which can sometimes lead to substantial income, in which case they decide to keep doing it and lose interest in finding a job.
4. Crime: some migrant women have no job or income, which means that they resort to robbery and theft acts.
5. Drugs, Slums and ghettos: the younger generation of those living in slum areas can become addicted to drugs and some of them decide to enter the drug trade and make it a career.
6. Prostitution: women who migrate to cities want some of the work that is easy and pays well. Some of them become prostitutes, others work as waitresses in a restaurant, employees in a massage parlor, or as beauticians.
7. Public health: Due to drugs and prostitution, the population is more exposed to drug addiction and venereal diseases such as HIV AIDS HIV & AIDS in Thailand http://www.avert.org/thailand-aids-hiv.htm…Retrieved 26 July 2012.
8. The family: both women and men who move into the capital will send money back to their families in the rural areas, while their children are looked after by the grand-parents. But some workers do not send back remittances, which can cause problems for their children and family.

The migration of women workers from rural areas to cities: some solutions

1. To reduce the unemployment rate and the migration of women workers, the government should use fiscal and monetary measures to develop the skills of workers to meet the needs of firms in the community properly. This would also ensure that the workers are paid fairly.
2. Promotion of social security measures. Expanding the scope of the welfare of labor. In particular, the protection of children and women, the health, safety protection systems and in the workplace.
3. Implement measures to protect women from being exploited by brokers and employers, especially in terms of the minimum wage.

See also

• Filipina Migration
• Women migrants' remittances
• Migrant Workers in Latin America
• Migration: a gender perspective
• Srinakharinwirot University

References

Department of Employment. (2012). Labor Statistic. ,available at http://www.doe.go.th/index1.php

Group 10

Wikigender University student article Thailand, School of Economics and Public Policy, Srinakharinwirot University.

About

“Afghanistan Unveiled” (2003) is a documentary of the post-Taliban Afghanistan . Its notable publicity is due to its unique portrayal of life in Afghanistan, and by the fact that it was entirely filmed by women. The group of women who made the documentary, were the first to be trained as camera operators and video journalists since the Taliban rule. The movie was shot from July 2002 to August 2003. A total of 14 women, many just teenagers, were involved in its making. The women were trained by the AINA (Afghan Media and Culture Center), a non-governmental organization based in Paris, France . AINA is also the producer of the film.

Funding

The following organizations have contributed funds that helped with the production costs of making “Afghanistan Unveiled”

• US AID-IOM
• The Asia Foundation
• French Ministry of Foreign Affairs UNESCO
• Finnish Ministry of Foreign Affairs

References

• Independent Lens
• AINA Official Website
• CIA World Factbook

History

The Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission was established in accordance with the Bonn Agreement (December, 2001). This Agreement is a series of guidelines, intended to re-create the state of Afghanistan . But other principles such as the United Nations ‘s resolution 134/48 and the Constitution of Islam Republic of Afghanistan, article 58, serve as legitimizing factors to the organizations activity.

General

Since 2005, Dr. Sima Samar, has occupied the position of chairperson of the organization. The organization serves as an independent organization for the simple reason that it is not directly within any of the branches of the Afghan State, but connected to its system. While much of its funding comes from the international community supporting Afghanistan, the organization explains that it must remain non governmental, as its role is to monitor the government and other institutions, regarding implementation of law and perseverance of human rights.

References

1. Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission

See also

• Afghan Women's Association International

Aborto en la Ciudad de México

La Ciudad de México es la única entidad en el país donde Abortion no es penalizado por la ley. El 24 de abril de 2007, la Asamblea Legislativa del Distrito Federal votó por despenalizar el aborto si es realizado antes de las doce primeras semanas de gestación. Desde entonces, este tema ha generado gran controversia tanto en la capital como en otros estados del país.

Estadísticas

Las estadísticas oficiales, a las que se puede tener acceso en la página del Gobierno de la Ciudad de México, son interesantes para su análisis. Portal Ciudadano del Gobierno del Distrito Federal, página “Interrupción legal del embarazo”, disponible en: http://www.df.gob.mx/index.php/interrupcion-legal-del-embarazo Del 24 de abril de 2007 a febrero de 2012, se han recibido 116,469 solicitudes de información para abortar y se han llevado a cabo 75,176 operaciones de aborto. Asimismo, el 83% de las mujeres ha aceptado usar métodos anticonceptivos después de la cirugía. Únicamente el 3.2% de los abortos fueron aplicados a mujeres provenientes de otras entidades ajenas al Área Metropolitana. De acuerdo con el Grupo de Información en Reproducción Elegida (GIRE), el 53% de las mujeres que interrumpen el embarazo son solteras. Cifras ILE, Grupo de Información en Reproducción Elegida, 2007-2012, disponible en: http://www.gire.org.mx/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=504%3Acifras-ile&catid=166%3Ainformacon-relevante&Itemid=1397&lang=es2

Otros estados

Al analizar las cifras sobre la residencia de las mujeres que han abortado en la Ciudad de México es notable que los estados más cercanos al Distrito Federal tienen cifras más altas con respecto a otros; éstos son Hidalgo (249 mujeres), Puebla (384 mujeres) y Morelos (217 mujeres). Como se mencionó anteriormente, en el país existen numerosos movimientos ciudadanos de organizaciones no gubernamentales e incluso de políticos tanto de defensores de la despenalización como de quienes la condenan. Un ejemplo de este fenómeno es el Partido Acción Nacional (PAN) en el que, al ser el más conservador del país, una vasta cantidad de personas se pronuncian abiertamente a favor de la despenalización del aborto; sin embargo, otra parte significativa expresa su inconformidad con respecto a esta medida. Asimismo, el Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) cuenta con la misma situación de divergencia sobre el tema aquí tratado. Provida es un ejemplo de las organizaciones no gubernamentales presentes en la lucha para que la interrupción del embarazo continúe siendo penalizada. Por otra parte, la opinión de la Iglesia sigue teniendo un gran impacto en la sociedad en general. México se enfrenta con un problema de desigualdad para las mujeres debido a la diferencia en su libertad de decidir sobre sus derechos reproductivos dependiendo del estado de la República en el que vivan, en algunos ha habido movimientos que luchan por la despenalización del aborto; pero en otros con población mayoritariamente conservadora, como es el caso de Jalisco, los gobernantes se oponen rotundamente a cambiar la legislación.

References

http://www.df.gob.mx/index.php/interrupcion-legal-del-embarazo http://www.gire.org.mx/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=504%3Acifras-ile&catid=166%3Ainformacon-relevante&Itemid=1397&lang=es2

See also

• CIDE
• Mexico
• Abortion
• Abortion Rights in Latin America

External links

• http://www.df.gob.mx/index.php/mujer
• http://www.gire.org.mx/
• http://www.comiteprovida.org/

Angela Davis

Early Life, Education, and Teaching

Birmingham and “Dynamite Hill”

Davis was born in Birmingham, Alabama to Frank and Sallye Davis. Davis had early experiences with racial predjudice and discrimination living in the “Dynamite Hill” neighborhood – a region characterized by significant racial violence.http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/USAdavisAN.htm She attended elementary and middle school in Birmingham, before studying at an integrated high school in New York City, through a grant from the American Friends Service Committee. She was greatly influenced by her mother’s active leadership role in the Southern Negro Cross and in high school, she studied socialist and communist thought through the school’s young communist group. Kum-Kum Bhavnani, Bhavnani; Davis,Angela (Spring 1989). “Complexity, Activism, Optimism: An Interview with Angela Y. Davis”. Feminist Review (31): 66–81. JSTOR

Educational and Philosophical Influences

After high school in New York, Davis was awarded a scholarship to Brandeis University, and became one of the three black students in her freshman class. She spent her third year in Paris with the Hamilton College Junior in Paris Program.Alice Kaplan, Dreaming in French: The Paris Years of Jacqueline Bouvier Kennedy, Susan Sontag, and Angela Davis, Chicago : University of Chicago Press (2013) It was there that she learned of the 1963 Birmingham church bombing – a racist attack committed by the Ku Klux Klan. She knew a number of the young women killed in the bombings. After France, she decided to pursue studies in philosophy, graduating in 1965 from Brandeis, and then beginning studies in philosophy at the University of Frankfurt. She returned to the USA two years later to study at the University of California, San Diego.

Time as a teacher at the University of California, Los Angeles

Soon after completing her graduate work, Davis was hired to teach for the University of California, Los Angeles. An outspoken activist, radical feminist, member of the Communist Party, and associate of the Black Panther Party, Davis soon had difficulties with the Board of Regents of the University of California. Urged by California governer Ronald Reagan, the Board fired her less than a year after her hiring, on the grounds of her Communist Party membership.http://www.clas.ufl.edu/users/ssmith/davisbio.html Although Judge Jerry Pracht later ruled this reasoning unsound, the Board continued its attempts to be rid of Davis. She was again fired in 1970, on the basis of her “inflamatory language.”http://www.cinema.ucla.edu/la-rebellion/timeline/angela-davis-dismissed-uc-regents

Activism and Imprisonment

The Soledad Brothers and the Marin County Courthouse incident

During her PhD work, Davis became a strong advocate for the three recently accused inmates of the Soledad Prison. Referred to as the “Soledad Brothers,” John W. Cluchette, Fleeta Drumgo and George Lester Jackson, were accused of killing white prison guard John Vincent Mills, following the deaths of three black prisoners.http://www.biography.com/people/angela-davis-9267589 The white corrections officer responsable for their deaths – Opie G. Miller – had recently been acquitted by the all white Monterey County grand jury. A number of activists argued that the Soledad Brothers were merely being used as scapegoats for the corrupt, racist prison system. During Jackson’s trial on August 7, 1970, an escape and hostage attempt was made, with the goal of using “the hostages to take over a radio station and broadcast the racist, murderous prison conditions and demand the immediate release of the Soledad Brothers.”Stephen Millies, “Long live the spirit of Jonathan Jackson”, 8 August 2010

“Free Angela Davis”

Two of the four weapons used in the Soledad incident were registered in Angela Davis’ name, and with this evidence, she was soon placed on the FBI’s Ten Most Wanted List – wanted for murder, kidnapping, and conspiracy. http://www.afterellen.com/2013/04/review-free-angela-davis-and-all-political-prisoners Columbia University’s program for Social Justice Movements describes the time of the search for Angela Davis:

“The witch-hunt for a woman, who fought for the liberation of all people, easily became a means to attack a community of people, not just Angela Davis. Black women across the nation were being pulled over in cars, stopped on the street, and accosted for being black while wearing a ‘natural.’ It was not just Angela Davis who was a fugitive, but also any black woman whose hair was coiffed into a black corona.”http://socialjustice.ccnmtl.columbia.edu/index.php/Angela_Davis

Two months after going underground, Davis was taken into custody in New York. Her 16-month imprisonment led to a highly publicized trial, and a huge international “Free Angela Davis” campaign. More than 200 defense committees were formed through the campaign, leading to her final acquittal in 1972.http://www.workers.org/2010/us/jonathan_jackson_0812/ Later in her 1974 autobiography, Davis makes it clear that her assumed guilt and imprisonment were not directed at her specifically, but rather were the product of systematic racist, sexist oppression within the USA. She explains that “the one extraordinary event of my life had nothing to do with me as an individual—with a little twist of history, another sister or brother could have easily become the political prisoner whom millions of people from throughout the world rescued from persecution and death.”http://www.afterellen.com/2013/04/review-free-angela-davis-and-all-political-prisoners

Current Activism

Contributions to Feminism

Published Workshttp://guides.library.cornell.edu/content.php?pid=374295&sid=3066481

• If They Come in the Morning (1971)
• Lectures on Liberation (1971?)
• The Black Family: The Ties That Bind
• Women, Race, and Class (1983)
• Violence Against Women and the Ongoing Challenge to Racism (1987)
• Blues Legacies and Black feminism : Gertrude “Ma” Rainey, Bessie Smith, and Billie Holiday (1998)
• Angela Davis: An Autobiography (1988)
• Women, Culture and Politics (1990)
• Are Prisons Obsolete? (2003)
• Abolition Democracy: Beyond Empire, Prisons, and Torture (2005)
• Beyond the Frame: Women of Color and Visual Representations (2005)
• The Meaning of Freedom (2012)

References

See also

• Intersectionality
• Feminism
• Lesbian
• LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender)

External links

• Publications by Angela Davis (Cornell University Library Guides)
• UCSC Feminist Studies: Angela Y Davis
• AngelaDavis.biography
• Wikipedia: Angela Davis
• CNMTL Social Justice Movements: Angela Davis Biography
• Angela Davis
• Alice Kaplan, Dreaming in French: The Paris Years of Jacqueline Bouvier Kennedy, Susan Sontag, and Angela Davis, Chicago : University of Chicago Press (2013)

Corrective Rape

Corrective rape was coined in the early 2000s by human rights non-governmental organizations, in reaction to the number of rape crimes committed against South African lesbians. The term defines the criminal practice whereby homosexual individuals are raped by persons of the opposite sex in order to “cure” them from their sexual orientation. In Gender Equality in South Women and African Economic Development this practice takes place mostly against Lesbians and at times occurs under the supervision of members of families or local communities. The 2008 report by the NGO ActionAid and the South African Human Rights Commission, calls for the creation of legislation targeting hate crimes, in particular, corrective rape. The report states that these crimes are “unrecognized by the state and unpunished by the legal system”.Lesbians Subjected to Corrective Rape in South Africa, Telegraph.

In South Africa

In 2008, Triangle, a gay rights organization, said they collected up to 10 cases of corrective rape a week, whilst research showed that 86% of black lesbians in the Western Cape lived in the fear of sexual assault. In 2008, Eudy Simelane, a football player for the South Africa Women’s National Team and vocal LGBT activist, was gang raped and stabbed 25 times in KwaThema, Gauteng. Two men were convicted but the court refused to see the murder as a consequence of her sexual orientation. The same year, South Africa’s national prosecuting authority released a statement declaring that, “While hate crimes – especially of a sexual nature – are rife, it is not something that the South African government has prioritised as a specific project.” More recently, on the 24th of April 2011, the body of Noxolo Nogwaza, a 24 years old lesbian, was found heavily mutilated in Kwa Thema, east of Johannesburg. On the 5th of May 2011, a 13 years old adolescent lesbian was raped in Pretoria. Criticized for its complacency with corrective crimes, the South African government released a statement beginning of May 2011, creating a group which will propose measures to fight against these agressions (sensibilization campaigns, the installement of refuges for homsexuals in danger, etc)En Afrique du Sud des lesbiennes sont violees pour etre gueries, Le Monde   Considering the attitude of the South African government towards these hate crimes until recently, the extent to which the formation of group will promote successful change is subject to scrutiny.  

Suppression of South African Lesbians

Moving beyond…?

The violation of the physical integrity of individuals is evident. As the Gender Index noted in 2006, “Rape is a very serious problem in South Africa. According to Amnesty International, rape affects 120 per 100 000 inhabitants, the highest recorded incidence in the world; yet other estimates suggest that even this figure represents only one-third of actual cases. The law prohibits both rape and spousal rape. The impact of the legislation, however, is relatively low because judges often impose only light sentences – sometimes using the victim’s behaviour or her relationship with the rapist as a pretext. Sexual harassment is prohibited by law, but remains very common.”Gender Index South Africa Considering that corrective rape is a lingering issue in South Africa, the international organization Avaaz has created an online petition, “South Africa: Stop Corrective Rape” which has collected 926,282 signatures. The petition also includes the penal recognition of hate crimes.Avaaz Corrective Rape Petition   On the grounds, the Luleki Sizwe organization takes a more bottom up approach, catering to the needs of victims and trying to change the negative image of lesbian women in South African communities. Their aim is to raise awareness, through education, discussions and various forms of art.Luleki Sizwe.

References

1. Lesbians Subjected to Corrective Rape in South Africa, Telegraph
2. En Afrique du Sud des lesbiennes sont violees pour etre gueries, Le Monde
3. Gender Index South Africa
4. Avaaz Corrective Rape Petition
5. Luleki Sizwe

External links

• Action Aid

Table of Contents

• 1 The University of Manchester
• 2 Institute for Development Policy and Management (IDPM)
• 3 Participating students
• 4 See also
• 5 References
• 6 External links

The University of Manchester

Institute for Development Policy and Management (IDPM)

The Institute for Development Policy and Management (IDPM) is the UK’s largest university-based postgraduate centre specialising in international development. Each year IDPM attracts hundreds of students from Africa, Asia, Europe and the Americas.http://www.seed.manchester.ac.uk/subjects/idpm/postgraduatetaught/ IDPM hosts several major centres for research in key areas of development policy, each of which has established links with governments, multilateral agencies, NGOs and other distinguished research institutions. http://www.seed.manchester.ac.uk/subjects/idpm/research/centres/  

Participating students

• Costanza Balboni Cestelli – Costanzabcestelli
• Salwa Akhtar – Salwa_Akhtar

See also

References

External links

• Official Website of The University of Manchester
• School of Environment, Education and Development
• Institute for Development Policy and Management