Sub-regional Policy Highlights for East, Southern and West Africa

The OECD Development Centre organised a series of policy dialogues throughout 2021 to engage with both grassroots organisations and policy makers on “From Data to Policy Action: Tackling Gender-Based Discrimination in Social Institutions” in East, Southern and West Africa.

The events were organised in collaboration with the African Development Bank (AfDB), the OECD’s Sahel and West Africa Club Secretariat (SWAC) and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA), and led to the creation of three “Roadmaps for Action”.

Discussions during the policy dialogues fed into the SIGI 2021 Regional Report for Africa and three sub-regional Policy Highlights for each sub-region, accessible here below. In addition, three sub-regional Roadmaps for Action were developed with all attendees to the policy dialogues:

• East Africa (see Roadmap for Action)
• Southern Africa (see Roadmap for Action)
• West Africa (see Roadmap for Action)

These materials are also available directly from the OECD iLibrary page here.

Master 2 in Development Economics and International Project Management (DEIPM)

Université Paris Est Créteil (UPEC) and Université Gustave Eiffel (UGE)

Article published as part of Wikigender University

Introduction

Freedom from violence is a human right for all. While considering human rights, it’s important to understand that human beings are multi-layered and complex, with various social identities that transcend to different and unique experiences. For this reason, when discussing gender-based violence, the concept of intersectionality can effectively ensure that no one’s experiences are being overlooked or intentionally dismissed. In this article, I address how an intersectional approach is needed to carefully address gender-based violence and most specifically violence against women, as not all women have the same likelihood to survive from violence because of their gender. Gender-based violence is one of the many obstacles that impede the realization of women’s empowerment.

Eliminating gender-based violence requires immediate attention and action. Based on OECD data, more than one in three women have suffered from intimate-partner violence at least once in their lifetime.[1]Practices such as child marriage are a reality for the lives of 15 million girls when measured every year. Gender-based violence and violence against women and girls present not only long-term physiological traumas for societies but also places large costs on economies. The global cost of violence against women was estimated to be US$1.5 trillion, equivalent to approximately 2% of the global gross domestic product (GDP), or roughly represented the entire size of the Canadian economy.[2]

The United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women states that “all the SDGs depend on the achievement of Goal 5.”[3] Sustainable Development Goal 5’s mandate is to achieve gender equality and to empower all women and girls by ensuring equal rights and opportunities as well as eliminating all forms of violence against all women and girls. This empowerment of half of the population will no doubt shape society. Yet undoubtedly some women and girls will be overlooked in this mandate. As a result, approaches to capture these women and girls along with their multiple dimensions of identity should be put into practice. An intersectional approach can help achieve Sustainable Development Goal 5 (SDG 5) to end all forms of discrimination and eliminate all forms of violence against all women and girls. Women and girls face different challenges thus there is not one solution that can achieve SDG 5.

The call for the SDG 5 is also relevant for men and boys. Gendered norms and opportunities govern the lives of men and boys. The experiences of individual men and boys can be used to hold men accountable to gender equitable that in turn benefits all human beings.

What is Gender-Based Violence?

Gender-based violence (GBV) is defined by the United Nations as violence that is directed against a person based on their gender or sex. During the 1995 Report of the Fourth World Conference on Women, violence against women was defined as “any act that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or private life.” This definition does not include for every form of violence a person may experience but rather those such as rape, domestic violence, sexual violence, psychological violence, and economic abuse that are fueled by the patriarchal culture and the power imbalance between men and women. Although women are also capable of perpetuating various forms of violence against men, gender-based violence affects women at a much higher rate. In fact, one in three women worldwide will experience gender-based violence (GBV) as will one in five men.[4] Furthermore, the data suggests that as many as 38% of all murders of women are committed by male partners.[5] The overwhelming majority of gender-based violence cases occur with men as the perpetrators. For this reason, this article will not use the term violence against women, as this term can overlook the responsibility of this issue on one gender rather than all genders.

Gender-based violence affects the lives of people of all backgrounds. In fact, one in three women in their lifetime are victims of gender-based violence.^[6] The current global pandemic of COVID-19 entails not only devastating traumas for survivors, but also includes significant costs for development. Studies reveal that in some countries, gender-based violence is estimated to cost up to 3.7% of their GDP.^[7] In retrospect this figure is more than double what most governments spend on education. Despite the fact that 35% of women worldwide are victims of sexual or physical partner violence, our society does not treat victims of gender-based violence the same.^[8] Discrimination in our societies creates barriers to the ways in which survivors of gender-based violence can seek help and recovery. A concept that explores various forms of discrimination and oppression can provide better solutions to all groups of people.

What is intersectionality?

The theory of intersectionality was first developed in 1984 by Dr. Kimberlé Crenshaw, a famed African American feminist activist, professor and lawyer. Crenshaw coined the concept of intersectionality as tool to understand the specific forms of discrimination by both race and sex. Crenshaw’s work demonstrated how the experiences of inequality for Black women took place at the intersection of racism and sexism. The barriers Black women faced when trying to seek redress around discrimination were challenged by the ideas of sexism constructed around white women and racism designed around Black men.[9]

In attempts to demonstrate how Black women in the United States face the intersections of racism and sexism, Crenshaw attempted to show how these two dimensions cannot be analysed separately to fully understand prejudices in society. Intersectionality has also been used to understand one’s experiences at the intersection of various identities including but not limited to race, social class, ethnicity, gender, disability, nationality, religion or immigration status.

In recent years, intersectionality has become a popular term in the hope to demolish societal hierarchies that perpetuate racism. The concept can be used to understand the multi-facets of oppression that affect groups of people in different ways. Intersecting factors can result to different profiles of vulnerability across women and girls even within the same country. For example, in the United States, Black and Native American women are twice as likely to live in poverty when compared to white women.[10] In Nigeria, women and girls from poor households are nearly five times as likely to be child brides compared to those from rich households.[11]

People can be discriminated against for their race or gender yet often, the intersection of both race and gender is not considered in policymaking. Furthermore, the systems we use to fight against discrimination in our societies can be constructed around a single identity rather than multiple or intersectional identities that includes all people. It should be noted that there is not a hierarchical degree of inequalities and oppression when adopting an intersectional framework to gender-based violence.

Intersectional Approaches to Gender-Based Violence

In solving gender-based violence, intersectionality can be used to understand how overlapping identities can create a particular experience of violence. The UN Women’s Handbook for National Action Plans on Violence Against Women (2012) recommends that policies to fight against gender violence should recognise that factors such as race, skin color, religion, political stance, nationality, marital status, sexual orientation, HIV/AIDS status, migrant or refugee status, age, or disability can affect one’s experiences of violence.^[12] The lived experiences of intersectional identities must be taken into account to develop responses when addressing GBV.

In the United States, studies continue to reveal that Black women as well as those identifying as lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender experience higher rates of gender-based violence. In fact, more than four in ten Black women have experienced violence from an intimate partner.^[13] The data reveals that Black women are at higher risk of sexual violence when compared to White women, Latinas, and Asian/Pacific Islander women.^[14] Lesbian and transgender women also face higher risk of sexual violence. Furthermore, LBGTQ experiences are often excluded in strategies to curb gender violence.^[15]

By adopting an intersectional approach, agencies that provide assistance to combat gender-based violence can better help victims overcome the specific barriers they may face. For example, if we imagine a situation where a victim of gender-based violence is a Black woman who lives in a poor neighborhood, this person may face several barriers when attempting to seek help. The multi-facets of her identity may put her in a position where not only being a woman is perpetuating the violence being inflicted upon her but also her social-economic status and race operating within an oppressive institution.

In countries throughout the world, oppression and domination has been a major feature of history. Racist and classist institutions that have upheld oppression in societies have the ability to fuel injustices that ignore gender-based violence and in turn stagnant development. An intersectional approach in promoting development could assist in confronting the unequal power dynamics in societies, not only for women but also for those who are not able to fully participate in the economy due to their race, class or poverty-level. Case studies in the United States and South Africa exemplify a culture of dominance in which race and class oppression has created a culture of violence against women. As a result, violence against half of the nation’s population is creating barriers for development. Intersectionality can help us better understand and solve the various levels of inequalities that encompasses the oppression of women and of all people. 

Conclusion

The shortcoming arises when we are unaware of which women and girls are the most vulnerable. There is a lack of data on women and girls, suggesting that their needs or experiences are not a priority when it comes to policymaking as well as in turn hampering our ability to understand gender differences.[16] Disaggregating data by sex is an important first step to identity, understand and address the ways in which gender inequalities are affecting women’s lives. Furthermore, datasets do not always reflect the fact that women are not a homogenous group defined by their gender alone. The multiple dimensions of one’s identity is often neglected in data collection and analysis. The language used in surveys along with the methods used to collect and analyse data can unveil or obscure inequalities. Inclusive datasets can be a powerful tool to uncover inequities.

The OECD Development Centre’s Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI) provides data on discrimination against women in social institutions across 180 countries. By measuring laws, social norms and practices that affect women and girls, the SIGI aims to capture the root causes of gender discrimination in order to provide the evidence required for transformative and intersectional policymaking.[17] The SIGI is also an official source for monitoring SDG 5.1.1 “Whether or not legal frameworks are in place to promote, enforce and monitor gender equality and women’s empowerment.”

Policies can be made in an intersectional framework by promoting women’s leadership. For example, to design a policy that ensures VAGW services needs are met for all women, policies should be designed by all women. Further, when understanding that Black women face multiple forms of marginalisation based on their identity, the appropriate responses needed would be designed by Black women themselves to capture the intersecting oppressions that Black women face. To meaningfully address violence perpetuated towards women and girls, it is critical that policies are conceived considering these intersecting oppressions. Emphasising the involvement of minority women in policymaking and implementation can help design sustainable policies around practical needs and priorities of minority groups, in turn creating solutions to gender-based violence that is rooted in the social, cultural, political, and economic reality of all women. Therefore, tackling significant barriers such as poverty, discrimination, insecure housing, and lack of access to education, employment and healthcare is essential to ensuring the elimination of gender-based violence.

In conclusion, intersectionality confronts the roots of the power imbalances, in turn creating a framework for human rights policymaking. Intersectionality applied to policies that aim to mitigate gender-based violence may help bridge the gaps between prejudices in societies. This concept can be implemented in policymaking by applying a specific focus on groups that are marginalised. In doing so, policies must acknowledge all perspectives and experiences. As commonly said, policymaking is not a one size fits all option. For this reason, intersectionality is key in developing effective strategies to combat gender-based violence.

References

Crenshaw, K. (1994). Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence against Women of Color. In R. K. Bergen, J. L. Edleson, & C. M. Renzetti, Violence against women: Classic papers (p. 282–313). Pearson Education New Zealand.

Criado-Perez (2019), Bill and Melinda Gates. “We Didn’t See This Coming,” Gates Notes. February, 12 2019.

Gentlewarrior, S., & Fountain, K. (2009). Culturally competent service provision to lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender survivors of sexual violence. VAWnet, National Online Resource Center on Violence Against Women: http://new.vawnet.org/ Assoc_Files_VAWnet/AR_ LGBTSexualViolence.pdf

Green, Susan (2020).  “Violence against Black Women – Many Types, Far-Reaching Effects,” https://iwpr.org/iwpr-issues/race-ethnicity-gender-and-economy/violence-against-black-women-many-types-far-reaching-effects/.

Human Rights Campaign (2021). “Sexual Assault and the LGBTQ Community.” https://www.hrc.org/resources/sexual-assault-and-the-lgbt-community.

Imkaan. The Value of Intersectionality In Understanding Violence Against Women and Girls (VAWG). EU/UN Women’s Programme.

“Gender.” OECD. Accessed May 13, 2021. https://www.oecd.org/gender/vaw.htm.

Sosa, L. (2017). Intersectionality and Violence against Women. In Intersectionality in the Human Rights Legal Framework on Violence against Women: At the Centre or the Margins? (pp. 13-40). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Sustainable Development Goal 5: Gender equality. UN Women. (n.d.). https://www.unwomen.org/en/news/in-focus/women-and-the-sdgs/sdg-5-gender-equality.

UN Women (2013). Costs of Violence. United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women, Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific.

World Bank (2019). “Gender-Based Violence (Violence Against Women and Girls).” https://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/socialsustainability/brief/violence-against-women-and-girls.

World Health Organization. (2013). Global and regional estimates of violence against women: prevalence and health effects of intimate partner violence and non-partner sexual violence. World Health Organization.

[1]OECD (2019), SIGI 2019 Global Report: Transforming Challenges into Opportunities, Social Institutions and Gender Index, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/bc56d212-en.

[2] Ibid.

[3] Sustainable Development Goal 5: Gender equality. UN Women. (n.d.). https://www.unwomen.org/en/news/in focus/women-and-the-sdgs/sdg-5-gender-equality.

[4] Facts and figures: Ending violence against women: What we do. UN Women. (n.d.). https://www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/ending-violence-against-women/facts-and-figures.

[5] World Health Organization. (2013). Global and regional estimates of violence against women: prevalence and health effects of intimate partner violence and non-partner sexual violence. World Health Organization.

^[6] World Bank (2019). “Gender-Based Violence (Violence Against Women and Girls).” https://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/socialsustainability/brief/violence-against-women-and-girls.

^[7] Ibid.

^[8] Ibid.

[9] Imkaan. The Value of Intersectionality In Understanding Violence Against Women and Girls (VAWG). EU/UN Women’s Programme.

[10] UN Women (2012), “Handbook for National Action Plans on Violence against Women,”  UN Women Headquarters

[11] Ibid.

^[12] UN Women (2012).

^[13] Green, Susan (2020) “Violence against Black Women – Many Types, Far-Reaching Effects,” IWPR.

^[14] Ibid.

^[15]  Gentlewarrior, S., & Fountain, K. (2009). “Culturally competent service provision to lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender survivors of sexual violence.” National Online Resource Center on Violence Against Women.

[16] Criado-Perez (2019), Bill and Melinda Gates. “We Didn’t See This Coming,” Gates Notes. February, 12 2019.

[17] “Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI),” accessed May 13, 2021, https://www.genderindex.org/.

Master 2 in Development Economics and International Project Management (DEIPM)

Université Paris Est Créteil (UPEC) and Université Gustave Eiffel (UGE)

Article published as part of Wikigender University

Context

In this article we explore the relationship between disability and gender. Divided into three parts, the first section compiles research on this intersectionality, describing the gendering process through the lens of a disability. Section two distinguishes between masculine and feminine coping mechanisms and highlights findings on gender differences in healthcare services. The final section, section three, takes on a global approach and compares treatment and accessibility for disabled persons between developed and developing regions. The purpose of this article is to showcase the potential for gendered research to act as a catalyst in healthcare and development.

Section I. The Intersection between Gender and Disability

Section 1.1: Defining Gender

According to the World Health Organization (WHO), gender is the socially constructed behaviours, norms and expectations associated with being a woman, man, boy or girl^[1]. Societal expectations for gender are typically rooted in a person’s biological sex, even if sex and gender do not explicitly overlap. We note that the nature of these expectations has varied over time and continues to vary from culture to culture.

Section 1.2: Defining Disability  

Disability is defined as any limitation of the body or mind that makes it more difficult for a person to participate and interact with the world around them^[2]. The WHO is careful to note that disability is a natural element of being human, given that almost everyone experiences either a temporary or permanent disability at some point in their lifetime^[3]. Disability encompasses limitations in the capacity to see, move, think, remember, learn, communicate, hear, or engage socially, among other functions. This non-exhaustive list makes clear that some disabilities are more visible, and in some cases more impairing, than others. The implications resulting from a disability can be a product not only of the type of impairment but also the severity and onset of the condition.

Section 1.3: Intersectionality Between Gender and Disability

Theories on the relationship between disability and gender seek to address the ways in which disability affects the gendering process as well as to identify a disability’s impact on the experience of gender. Sociologists and anthropologists have concluded that disability is a social condition with many arguing that the greatest impediments brought by disability are rooted in stigmatization^[4].  The stigma attributed to disability limits an individual’s capacity to enact gender in the “appropriately” masculine and feminine constructs, and this is increasingly true the more visible and severe the condition. For example, consider masculine constructs of strength and physical dominance and how a physical disability could limit an individual from displaying these characteristics “appropriately”. A mental disability can also greatly implicate an individual’s display, interpretation of, or capacity to understand gender norms. The degree to which a disability implicates gender performance is impacted not only by the severity of the condition but also by the age of onset. The earlier the onset of the disability the more likely the individual is to interpret gender socialisation through the lens of the condition and its resulting stigmas.

Researchers have identified the distinction between men and women’s experience of disability as “sexism without the pedestal” for women and the “erosion of male privilege” for men.^[5] From this assertion, we yield that stigmatization surrounding disability is strongly intertwined with the gendering process. Gerschick (2000) identifies three social dynamics which contextualize gender within disabilities: (1) the stigma assigned to disability, (2) gender as an interactional process and (3) the importance of the body to enact gender. In the following section, we expand on Gerschick’s third social dynamic.

Section 1.4: Stigmatization and Disability

Anthropologist Robert Murphy in his novel The Body Silent: The Different World of the Disabled describes stigmatization as the essence of disability (1990, 113). From the same token, we extrapolate that gender and its resulting stigmas are impacting on the perception and experience of one’s disability. Testimonials from disabled persons repeatedly cite experiences of marginalisation, discrimination, isolation and devaluation.^[6] In the following section, we explore the “double disadvantage” imposed on disabled women.

Section 1.5: Double Disadvantage

In the above sections we assert that disability is a largely interactional process, and that much of the experience of a disability is attributed to social expectations and attached stigmas. Further, we purport that this stigmatization is not fixed but rather varies from person to person based on their perceived experience, ability to meet expectations, as well as the severity and onset of their condition.

Women that are disabled suffer from a “double disadvantage” of sorts where they are subjected not only to the stigmatization (and resulting discrimination) associated with being disabled but also that of being a woman. The burden of a double disadvantage is evidenced in the disproportionate likelihood for disabled women to be sexually assaulted as well as the maintenance of a gender pay gap across cohorts of disability relatively equal in severity.^[7]

Section II. Coping Mechanisms and Healthcare Treatments 

Section 2.1: Gendered Differences in Coping Mechanisms

Studies on coping mechanisms and styles identify strong distinctions between visually impaired men and women, which suggests that women may face greater difficulty in the experience of their disability compared to their male counterparts. For example, an assessment of coping mechanisms for visual impairment found that women experienced greater mental distress and dissatisfaction with their health and psychological well-being. A study measuring participants’ perceptions of their ability to understand and communicate, get around, care for themselves, get along with people, perform household tasks and participate in society found that women fared worse in all domains with the exception of getting along with others and coping in school activities.^[8]

Section 2.2: Gendered Differences in Disabilities

Gendered differences in disability are evidenced not only by the effectiveness of coping strategies but also by gendered discrepancies in prevalence. Studies find that women have either a significantly higher prevalence or worsened experience in visual impairment, psychological disorders and physical disabilities.

Section 2.2.1: Visual Impairment

Even though the majority of visually impairing conditions are either preventable or treatable, women account for 64% of global blindness. When adjusted for age, women’s prevalence is still 39% higher than men.^[9] This suggests potential failures in the delivery of equitable access to health services.

Studies find that trachoma, a bacterial infection leading to blindness or visual impairment, is not linked with biological sex; however, women are between 2 to 4 times more likely to be infected than men. Women are also twice as likely to develop serious trichiasis compared to men. Significantly higher prevalence of trachoma in women is linked with increased exposure to infection resulting from traditional responsibilities in childcare and hygiene-related tasks. Studies also highlight differences in the quality of eye care administered between men and women, likely as a result of cultural norms pertaining to gender.^[10]

Section 2.2.2: Psychological Health

The WHO asserts that there are no sex-driven explanations for gendered differences in the prevalence, onset and course of psychological disorders. Discrepancies are attributed to the interaction between biological and social vulnerability, gender roles and gender-based violence which may account for higher prevalence and comorbidity among women.^[11]

These implications on the likelihood of suffering from a psychological disorder suggest that a woman’s exposure to and capacity to cope with a disability is negatively impacted by the gendering process. Other studies point to gender bias in measures of psychological well-being, with assessments favoring gender-masculine traits to evaluate as psychologically well.^[12]

Section 2.2.3: Physical Disability

Studies on the interactive process between appraisal of the self and depressive symptoms in the physically disabled highlight the distinction between men and women’s coping experiences. Women with physical disabilities tend to exhibit similar experiences in comparison to women with other disabilities. Contrastingly, men with physical disabilities tend to experience psychological distress through their self-esteem evaluations as well as a sense of devaluation both of which strongly indicate depressive symptoms.^[13] These findings suggest that the needed attention on gender implications may vary from disability to disability.

Section 2.3: Gender Disparities in Treatment

Sex differences in the prevalence or severity of a condition can also be the result of some extra environmental cause, like a systemic failure in healthcare. For example, the increased likelihood for a woman to suffer from a preventable or treatable condition can be due to limited or biased access to treatment. Gender has the potential to limit access to treatment if the contextual norm impacts perceptions of vulnerability, value, autonomy or trust.

The lens through which care-providers communicate and make recommendations for their patient is equally as important as the patients’ willingness to be treated. Both of these elements are susceptible to waiver in the presence of gender bias. For example, studies find that women are much less likely to seek treatment than men. After controlling for differences in demographics, social factors, health needs and economic access, studies find that women use hospital services 21% less than men. ^[14] This study suggests that from a caregiver’s perspective this could have to do with a reluctance to subject women to riskier treatment options. From a patient’s perspective, women may be less likely to accept intensive care due to their own caregiving responsibilities. These findings suggest that repositioning childcare as an androgynous quality could greatly improve women’s experiences in healthcare treatment.

Section III. Global Approach to Accessibility and Treatment

The studies referenced in this article feature case studies from middle-income and low-income countries in Africa, Asia and the Middle East. In this section, we expand on varying approaches to disability in developing regions.

In a collaborative report on disability, the WHO and World Bank (WB) make a strong distinction between developed and developing countries and their relationships with disability. Although developed countries typically offer greater assistance, disabled persons in developed countries are still typically worse off in their educational and labour market prospects than non-disabled persons with the exception of Norway, Slovakia and Sweden. In developing countries, the World Health Survey identifies households with disabled members as having significantly higher healthcare expenditures than households without disabled members.

Despite a universally higher likelihood to be impoverished if disabled, developing nations have notably insufficient services and provisions for people with disabilities in comparison with developed nations. The World Report on Disability compiles studies across regions in Africa and Asia which indicate a slew of unmet needs in health, welfare, aid, equipment, education and employment. For example, in Malawi, Namibia, Zambia and Zimbabwe less than 50% of the aforementioned needs are met. National studies in Morocco cited limited access to services as one of the most critical barriers for the disabled. Likewise, national studies in China found that approximately 1 in every 4 disabled persons receives no assistance of any kind for their disability.^[15]

According to the Global Gender Gap Report (2020), countries in the Middle East, South Asia, and Sub-Saharan Africa scored amongst the lowest in gender equality.^[16] Current research on the intersectionality between gender and disability does not touch on the discrepancy between developed and developing regions. We believe that the parallels in gender equitability and disability inclusion across development highlight an interesting potential channel for policy reform.

We recommend the inclusion of gender education in existing programs for disability inclusion as well as components addressing disability and access to healthcare in current gender-equality agendas. Global commitments like the Inclusive Education Initiative and the Disability-Inclusive Education in Africa Program have the potential to shift, or otherwise reframe, gender narratives which are worsening outcomes for disabled men and women. ^[17] For example, UNESCO has encouraged countries to advocate for inclusive educational policies, programmes and practices so that children with diverse learning challenges can have improved outcomes[18]. In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, educational reform and inclusivity have become major areas of focus in the recovery process. Partnerships based in inclusive, sustainable reform will be key to address many of the issues worsened by the pandemic including quality and accessible education. Implementing reforms in line with the vision of building back a more inclusive world will depend heavily on diversity and empowering minority groups like women and the disabled. The partnership between UNESCO and Global Education Coalition leans into this recovery opportunity and emphasizes the role of the Global Action on Disability Network (GLAD) in their decision-making processes and discussions[19].

As mentioned before, disability is a condition innate to the human experience whether it occurs temporarily or permanently, through early or late onset. Of the same token, gender and its pervasive influence on our perception and behaviors is another often overlooked yet universal experience. Incorporating disability in gender inclusive efforts serves more than just the disabled, and this perspective should be incorporated in policy reform and debate. We suggest that the intersectionality between disability and gender belong at the forefront of policy agendas to serve both developed and developing contexts.

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^[1] World Health Organization. (2019, June 19). Gender and health. World Health Organization / Home / Health Topics / Gender. https://www.who.int/health-topics/gender#tab=tab_1

[2] Center for Disease Control and Prevention. (2020, September 15). Disability and Health Overview | CDC. https://www.cdc.gov/ncbddd/disabilityandhealth/disability.html

^[3] World Health Organization. (2020, January 27). Disability. https://www.who.int/health-topics/disability#tab=tab_1

^[4] Gerschick, T. (2000). Toward a Theory of Disability and Gender. Signs, 25(4), 1263-1268. Retrieved January 29, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/3175525

^[5] Fine, M., & Asch, A. (1988). Disability beyond stigma: Social interaction, discrimination, and activism. Journal of Social Issues, 44(1), 3–21. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-4560.1988.tb02045.x

^[6]See footnote 5 reference.

^[7]See footnote 5 reference.

^[8]Badr HE, Mourad H Assessment of visual disability using the WHO disability assessment scale (WHO-DAS-II): role of gender British Journal of Ophthalmology 2009;93:1365-1370.

^[9] See footnote 8 reference.

^[10] Doyal L, Das-Bhaumik RG. Sex, gender and blindness: a new framework for equity. BMJ Open Ophthalmology 2018 3:e000135. doi:10.1136/bmjophth-2017-00135

^[11] World Health Organization (WHO). (2002). Gender and mental Health. https://www.who.int/gender/other_health/genderMH.pdf

^[12] Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2019, 16(19), 3531; https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph16193531

^[13] Brown, R.L. Psychological Distress and the Intersection of Gender and Physical Disability: Considering Gender and Disability-Related Risk Factors. Sex Roles 71, 171–181 (2014). https://doi-org.ezproxy.u-pec.fr/10.1007/s11199-014-0385-5

^[14] Cameron, K. A., Song, J., Manheim, L. M., & Dunlop, D. D. (2010). Gender disparities in health and healthcare use among older adults. Journal of women’s health (2002), 19(9), 1643–1650. https://doi.org/10.1089/jwh.2009.1701

^[15] World Health Organization [and] The World Bank. (2011). World report on disability. Geneva, Switzerland :World Health Organization,

^[16] World Economic Forum. (2020). Global Gender Gap Report 2020. http://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GGGR_2020.pdf

^[17] The World Bank IBRDA + IDA. (2021). Disability Inclusion Overview. World Bank. https://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/disability#3

[18] UNESCO. (2021, April 9). Education for persons with disabilities. https://en.unesco.org/themes/inclusion-in-education/disabilities

[19] UNESCO. (2021b, May 4). GEM 2020: Ensuring a focus on inclusion, equity, and gender equality. https://en.unesco.org/news/gem-2020-ensuring-focus-inclusion-equity-and-gender-equality

From Data to Policy Action: Tackling Gender-Based Discrimination in Social Institutions   

  Virtual Workshop in West Africa    

   27 April 2021   

10:00 AM – 1:00 PM (CET)   

Please kindly register here   

The OECD Development Centre, in partnership with the Sahel and West Africa Club Secretariat (SWAC), invites you to a virtual workshop with grassroots organisations working on gender equality in West Africa on 27 April 2021 at 10:00 Paris time for an interactive policy discussion.    

Building on the OECD’s Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI), the virtual workshop aims to track progress and identify key challenges and opportunities for women’s empowerment and greater gender equality in West Africa. Participants will include grassroots organisations, civil society and research organisations, think tanks, gender experts and advocates, as well as foundations, who will share their perspectives and expertise on gender equality in West Africa across three thematic areas:    

1. Women’s health deprivation and restricted reproductive autonomy;  
2. Women’s economic empowerment and access to productive and financial resources;  
3. Women’s political voice, leadership and agency.   

  This workshop kick-starts the series of virtual policy dialogue events in Africa within the project, “From data to policy action: addressing social institutions governing women’s and men’s behaviour to enhance gender equality in Africa”, supported by the Austrian Development Cooperation.    

Follow the conversation on Twitter with @OECD_Centre, @Wikigender, @SWAC_OECD by using the hashtags #SIGI and #SIGIAfrica

For more information, please contact: dev.gender@oecd.org.

• Make the case that restrictive masculinities hinder women’s economic empowerment while also harming the well-being of men and boys
• Underscore that tackling these restrictive masculinities has the potential to improve both women’s and men’s well-being
• Highlight the importance of collecting data and evidence while emphasising the key role policy makers and grassroots organisations can play in facilitating gender-equitable masculine norms.

Check out the Event Flyer

Stay tuned for key messages from the report!

• Present the findings of the report
• Shed light on the ways masculine norms can either hinder or promote women’s empowerment and gender equality
• Present the indicators that can be used to measure and monitor changing masculinities and discuss the state of data availability
• Highlight the key role policy makers can play in addressing restrictive masculinities to promote women’s empowerment and men’s well-being

Stay tuned for key messages from the report!

CONTEXT

Women play a pivotal role in a wide range of activities supporting food and nutrition security. They are the powerhouses of the Sahel and West African food economy. Two-thirds of all employed women work across the food system, accounting for half of the labour force. They dominate off-farm segments of food value chains including food processing and selling as well as food-away-from-home. They are also important actors in cross-border trade.

Nevertheless, access to affordable and nutritious foods is beyond the reach of many women and girls. Low income and education levels, discriminatory laws, social norms, and practices such as those revealed in the Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI), drive food insecurity among women by curbing their ownership over assets such as land, water and energy as well as their access to financial services, social capital, information and technology, agricultural inputs and services. The double burden facing women balancing the demands of agricultural production and unpaid care and domestic work compound these inequalities.

In the Sahel and West Africa, more than 40% of women of reproductive age suffer from anaemia across 14 countries, driving maternal and child morbidity and undermining women’s economic empowerment. Obesity, which was practically unheard of in the region in the past, affects more women than men. Stunting, a measure of chronic malnutrition, often has its origins in utero due to, for example, poor maternal nutrition. Similarly, women who are overweight or obese are at a greater risk of giving birth to heavier babies, putting them at a higher risk of being overweight and obese as adults.

The 1995 Beijing Platform for Action (BPfA) recognised gender-mainstreaming as an indispensable strategy for achieving gender equality, including in the area of food security. Yet, 25 years later, many responses still tend to operate in silos and focus narrowly on improving women’s agency or access to information for example, instead of addressing the social, structural, and institutional barriers that hamper food and nutrition security among women and girls. Policies also often fail to include men and boys, yet understanding the drivers behind their motivations and behaviours is key to addressing unspoken societal barriers to gender equality.The major challenge lies in developing inclusive policy responses that address these barriers. This could help pave the way towards a more sustainable and transformative change within the West African food system and fuel progress towards achieving not only the “zero hunger” goal (SDG 2) but also “gender equality” (SDG 5).

OBJECTIVE

The OECD Development Centre is collaborating with the Sahel and West Africa Club Secretariat to host an interactive discussion on the Wikigender platform on the topic “Towards a Gender-Responsive Approach to Food and Nutrition Security in the Sahel and West Africa”. The objective is to contribute to a process of mutual learning and dialogue that can inspire more gender-responsive and sustainable solutions to food and nutrition insecurity.

Drawing on your experience and expertise, we would like to identify some concrete and promising examples of gender-responsive food and nutrition security programming, and explore and discuss the key lessons learned. (See: Concept Note)

KEY QUESTIONS

1. What is at risk when food and nutrition security programming fails to take gender into account?
   1. What does “gender-mainstreaming” in food and nutrition security policies and programmes mean in practice?
   2. How can the availability of sex-disaggregated food and nutrition security data be improved?
   3. How can early-warning systems be more gender-responsive?
2. What are some of the key lessons learned from best practices around gender-responsive programming in the area of food and nutrition security? What are the success factors and how can they be scaled-up?
   1. Can cash transfers alleviate food insecurity and strengthen gender equality? What specific measures need to be taken to ensure that cash transfers achieve gender-equitable outcomes?
   2. Emerging research shows that the Covid-19 pandemic is likely to exacerbate the gendered nature of food and nutrition insecurity globally. What actions can be taken to prevent the most serious damage to the economic empowerment of women in general and particularly rural women?
3. What can be done to bring attention to gender-responsive food and nutrition security programming among the region’s decision-making bodies?
   1. Are there lessons to be learned from other regions?
   2. How can women be empowered to exercise their rights and take active participation in decision-making bodies?

DIG DEEPER

OECD/SWAC (2018), “Gender Inequality in West African Social Institutions”, West African Papers, No. 13, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/fe5ea0ca-en.

OECD/SWAC (2018), “Agriculture, food and jobs in West Africa”, West African Papers, No. 14, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://www.oecd.org/swac/topics/food-system-transformations/handout-agriculture-food-jobs-west-africa.pdf.

OECD/SWAC (2019), “Integrating gender analysis into food & nutrition security early warning systems in West Africa”, West African Papers, No. 24, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/abd5f499-en.

OECD/SWAC (2019), “Women suffering from anaemia – a major challenge”, Maps & Facts No. 78, Paris, http://www.west-africa-brief.org/content/en/women-suffering-anaemia-%E2%80%93-major-challenge.

OECD (2019), “SIGI 2019 Global Report: Transforming Challenges into Opportunities”, Social Institutions and Gender Index, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/bc56d212-en.

Table of Contents:

1. Introduction
2. Implications for the SDGs with a focus on women and girls
3. Implications for SDG 5 specifically
4. Additional Resources from OECD on COVID-19
5. References

Introduction

The COVID-19 pandemic poses a severe threat to the achievement of gender-related SDGs and jeopardises some of the improvements observed since 2015 related to gender equality and women’s empowerment. By looking at the state of the SDGs and their interlinkages pre-crisis, it is clearthat the economic and social consequences of the pandemic will exacerbate existing inequalities and discrimination against women and girls, especially against the most marginalised. As was revealed in West Africa during the Ebola crisis (2014-2015) and in Latin America with the Zika outbreak (2015-2016), public health crises can place a hold on gender-transformative policies and reforms, diverting resources away from the past and current needs of women, while the crises themselves actually increase and expand them. With this, it is important to recognize the impact COVID-19 is having, and will continue to have, on the achievement of the SDGs if progressive actions are not taken.

Implications for the SDGs with a focus on women and girls

Given the widespread and multiple implications of the COVID-19 crisis, all SDGs, and particularly those gender-related targets and indicators, are likely to be affected. Recognizing this impact and its gendered nature is a critical first step to designing socio-economic recoveries that will help, not hinder, the achievement of the SDGs and gender equality. Though not an exhaustive list, by looking with a gendered lens, it is clear that at least the following SDGs will be stalled by the current crisis:

• SDG 8 – “Decent Work”: “Women constitute an estimated two-thirds of the health workforce worldwide, and…make up around 85% of nurses and midwives in the 104 countries for which data are available” (OECD, 2020). This sectoral concentration, as well as women’s over-representation in retail and hospitality, means that women are disproportionately exposed to COVID-19 at work.
• SDG 3 – “Good Health and Well-Being”: Resources for reproductive and sexual health are diverted to the emergency response – as we saw during the Ebola crisis in West Africa in 2014-2015, this contributed to an increase in maternal mortality in regions with weak healthcare capacities (Wenham, Smith and Morgan, 2020). For example, in Sierra Leone, post-crisis impact studies uncovered that during the crisis, there was a drop in the use of health services which translated to 3,600 additional maternal, neonatal and stillbirth deaths, under the most conservative estimates, in the year 2014-15 (Sochas, Channon and Nam, 2017).
• SDG 4 – “Quality Education”: The Ebola crisis also revealed a significant increase in adolescent pregnancies following the closure of schools during the outbreak, which in turn translated to higher rates of school dropouts especially for adolescent mothers during the post-crisis period (Bandiera et al., 2019). At the same time, the increased workload of unpaid and domestic care work falling on women’s and girls’ shoulders – in particular caring for the sick—will affect girls’ educational prospects.
• SDG 2 – “Zero Hunger”: In countries where social norms imply a preference for boys over girls, the pandemic might magnify these preferences across a wide array of domains. For instance, restricted food resources might lead households where discriminatory social norms are widespread to favour boys over girls, directly affecting SDG 2. Similarly, in a context of limited resources, preference might be given to boys over girls in terms of education and health (SDGs 3 and 4).
• SDG 1 – “No Poverty” and SDG 10 – “Reduced Inequality”: As the economic consequences of the outbreak – e.g. layoffs, income loss, job insecurity—might disproportionately affect women, an increase in women’s poverty levels around the globe is highly likely.

Implications for SDG 5 specifically 

The pandemic will yield severe consequences on the achievement of SDG 5, “Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls”, specifically. Before the crisis, it was estimated that 2.1 billion girls and women were living in countries that will not achieve gender equality targets by 2030 (Equal Measures 2030, 2020). As the pace of progress slows down, both developed and developing countries require more time and aggressive action to reach gender equality targets. The following SDG 5 targets will be severely affected:

• SDG 5.1 on eliminating all forms of discrimination against women and girls: According to the OECD’s Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI), new legislation to enhance gender equality and abolish discriminatory laws have benefited from increasing political commitments before the crisis (OECD, 2019). However, the health crisis has crippled the legislative system hindering many government’s abilities to pass and implement new legislation.
• SDG 5.2 on eliminating all violence against women and girls: While recent data show that 18% of women have experienced physical and/or sexual partner violence in the previous 12 months, new evidence shows that domestic violence has increased, especially under lockdowns. For example, the UK’s National Domestic Abuse Helpline say a 25% increase in the number of phone calls in the first week of lockdown and a 150% increase in visits to its website (UN Women, 2020).
• SDG 5.3 on eliminating all harmful practices: Before the crisis, evidence showed a decline in the practice of child marriage in both South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa (OECD Development Centre, 2019). As poverty increases in the wake of the pandemic child, early and forced marriage, which often stem from economic considerations under extreme poverty, might also increase in developing countries. Meanwhile, in low-income countries, the health crisis will severely cripple the financial capacities and resources of governments, yielding profound effects on the legislative and enforcement capabilities of these countries. Prosecution of perpetrators of female genital mutilation, for instance, might become even more uneven, and there have been reports that the practice has become more common since the pandemic began.
• SDG 5.4 on recognising unpaid care and domestic work: Prior to the COVID-19 outbreak, women were already performing 75% of household and care work globally (OECD Development Centre, 2019). The present crisis has highlighted the importance of carers who take care of the older members of society as well as those with existing health issues. Moreover, in many places schools have closed, meaning that children are staying home. These dynamics and all that comes with them, increase the time-burden of unpaid care work. It will likely be very challenging to return to the pre-crisis distribution and nearly impossible to achieve an equitable distribution of unpaid care and domestic work between men and women by 2030.
• SDG 5.6 on ensuring access to sexual and reproductive health and reproductive rights: Provision of sexual and reproductive health commodities, including menstrual health items may be impacted as supply chains undergo strain from the pandemic response (UNFPA, 2020). Evidence from the Zika crisis in Latin America showed that gang violence in El Salvador and Brazil directly affected women’s access to sexual and reproductive health services, with informal networks controlling who had access to supplies and who did not.

Conclusions

As the COVID-19 crisis continues, there is growing recognition of the impact it will have on the goals set forth in the 2030 Agenda. While the past months have shown that adaptation is indeed possible, there is a need to look forward at the impact responses to COVID-19 will have on human development worldwide. In looking forward, it is possible to understand that action taken now will fundamentally shape the future. With this recognition comes the possibility to craft policies that are sensitive to gender inequalities and will allow for equitable recoveries.

Additional Resources from OECD on COVID-19 

• Women at the core of the fight against COVID-19 crisis (OECD Publication)
• Tackling coronavirus (COVID‑19) Contributing to a global effort (OECD’s COVID-19 platform)

References: 

Bandiera, O. et al. (2019). “The Economic Lives of Young Women in the Time of Ebola: Lessons from an Empowerment Program”. Impact Evaluation series, No. WPS 8760. World Bank Group, Washington D.C. http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/452451551361923106/The-Economic-Lives-of-Young-Women-in-the-Time-of-Ebola-Lessons-from-an-Empowerment-Program.

Equal Measures 2030 (2020). Bending the Curve Towards Gender Equality by 2030. https://www.equalmeasures2030.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/EM2030BendingTheCurveReportMarch2020.pdf.

OECD (2020). Women at the Core of the Fight Against COVID-19 Crisis. OECD Publishing, Paris. https://read.oecd-ilibrary.org/view/?ref=127_127000-awfnqj80me&title=Women-at-the-core-of-the-fight-against-COVID-19-crisis.

OECD (2019). SIGI 2019 Global Report: Transforming Challenges into Opportunities, Social Institutions and Gender Index. OECD Publishing, Paris. https://dx.doi.org/10.1787/bc56d212-en.

OECD Development Centre (2019). Gender, Institutions and Development Database (GID-DB) 2019. https://oe.cd/ds/GIDDB2019.

Sochas, L., A. Channon and S. Nam (2017). “Counting indirect crisis-related deaths in the context of a low-resilience health system: the case of maternal and neonatal health during the Ebola epidemic in Sierra Leone”. Vol. 32, pp. 32-39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/heapol/czx108.

UNFPA (2020). COVID-19: A Gender Lens – Protecting sexual and reproductive health and rights, and promoting gender equality. UNFPA. https://www.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/resource-pdf/COVID-19_A_Gender_Lens_Guidance_Note.pdf.

Wenham, C., J. Smith and R. Morgan (2020). COVID-19: the gendered impacts of the outbreak, Lancet Publishing Group. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(20)30526-2.

United Nations (n.d.). Sustainable Development Goal 5. Retrieved from https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/sdg5.

United Nations (n.d.). Transforming our world: the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Retrieved from https://sdgs.un.org/2030agenda.

UN Women (2020). COVID-19 and Violence Against Women and Girls: Addressing the Shadow Pandemic.  https://www.unwomen.org/-/media/headquarters/attachments/sections/library/publications/2020/policy-brief-covid-19-and-violence-against-women-and-girls-en.pdf?la=en&vs=5842

Article proposed and written by Euro – Mediterranean Women’s Foundation’s Secretary

Publication date: 28 October 2019

Introduction 

In its latest report ‘’The Global Climate in 2015–2019’’, the World Meteorological Organization (WMO) warned that global warming is accelerating, so are the associated features such as the sea level rise, the shrinking sea ice, glacier retreat and last but least the extreme events such as heatwaves, droughts, landslides, floods and hurricanes [1]. Although these events affect all of humanity, their repercussions can radically affect the lives, lifestyles, consumption and economic and social dynamics of certain groups, especially those whose lives depend heavily on natural resources, or who experience a certain degree of loss resulting from resources depletion or scarcity [2].
It has been evidenced by many international actors that women are among the most vulnerable groups to climate change, especially in areas where gender roles and relations lead to gender inequalities. For instance, 80% of people displaced worldwide by climate change are women, according to UNDP [3] who also concluded that ‘’women don´t have easy and adequate access to funds to cover weather-related losses or adaptation technologies. Women also face discrimination in accessing land, financial services, social capital and technology. [4]’’

Despite the disproportionate impact of climate change on women and scientists alarm bells, these risks must be faced with hope and seen as an opportunity to empower women and increase their contributions to finding sustainable alternatives and solutions to environmental problems and their socio-economic consequences. This article attempts to explore the specific relationship between climate change and women in the oases of Tozeur (Tunisia), whose ecosystem has been disrupted and some of its crops resistant to climate change have disappeared due to some unfortunate agricultural policies.

The article is based on a field diagnosis conducted by the association La Ruche de la citoyenneté active de Tozeur (The Hive of Active Citizenship of Tozeur), with the support of the Euro-Mediterranean Women’s Foundation (FFEM) and the European Institute of the Mediterranean (IEMed) within the framework of the project “Strengthening the capacities of equality actors” which consists in analysing women’s local realities and public policies through consultations and dialogues at a grass-roots level, through the set-up of local clusters of gender equality actors in 7 southern Mediterranean countries, including Tunisia (more information about these local clusters’ project is available on www.euromedwomen.foundation). The article is also based on perception surveys with 32 environmental and women empowering entities including associations, trade unions and agricultural development groups (GDAs), four focus group discussions with institutional and civic actors from Chebika, Tamagheza, Hezouwa and Nafta).

Tozeur: Demography, facts and fragile ecosystem 

As its geographical location suggests, the governorate of Tozeur and its 6 delegations (Tozeur, Hezoua, Tamagheza, Nefta, Deguèche and Hamma) are characterised by a dry continental climate with very high evaporation and extremely low rainfall, never exceeding 100 mm/year [5].

Tozeur is the least populated governorate in Tunisia, as the number of inhabitants represents less than 1% of the Tunisian population. More than half of its population are women, due to the recent increasing migration of young males in search of better living conditions in neighbouring cities and regions.

The economy of this governorate is dominated by agriculture, mainly palm date production which remains the most important sector in terms of area, production volume and revenues, following decades of agricultural business policies supporting date palm monoculture. These policies though led to the depletion of water resources and the gradual loss of local oasis expertise which adopted integrated agriculture to adapt to difficult climatic conditions.

This ancient agriculture is carried on, typically by superimposing three layers: at the top, date palms; in the middle, fruit trees (oranges, bananas, pomegranates, apples, etc.); and, in the shade, at the lowest level, plants (vegetables, fodder, cereals) [6]. The three-stage culture creates an oasis microclimate that reduces evaporation, allows the growing of several species using the water and the sun, and shelters and preserves a wide diversity of animals [7]. Therefore, the dependence on one type of agriculture, coupled with high temperatures and water scarcity, started to vulnerating the oasis ecosystem and posing a serious threat to its inhabitants and their livelihoods.

This fragile situation has, though, pushed Tozeur’s population to engage in tourism, a sector has a lot of potential.

Oasis Women: traditional knowledge and economic practice 

As most of the oasis women in North Africa, women in Tozeur play an important role in the management and the conservation of biodiversity. They have knowledge and expertise, acquired over centuries, of conservation, processing and recovery of date palm products, other fruits, palm grove by-products and surrounding species [8].

Their lifestyle, positions, roles, customs, behaviours and even economic activity are quite diverse and are governed by their area’s nature. For instance, in the mountainous area of Tamagheza, Chbika and Mides where lifestyle is semi-rural, women take part in fieldwork at the bottom level (irrigation, hoeing, weeding, etc.), contributing to maintaining soil quality. They are also responsible for caring for herds’ hygiene and stables.

Meanwhile, the women of Hezoua region are semi-nomads, they travel with their stock-farmer husbands in search of desert pasture. In urban areas such as Tozeur and Nafta, the division between agriculture and domestic life is very clear. Women in these areas don’t customarily work in the fields, where the tasks are considered tough for women, but they contribute to the processing of palm grove products: grading, filling and packaging dates, on one hand; and the preservation and processing of local products such as date syrup, paste and vinegar. They also contribute massively to crafts and artisan dairy products. Women also make use of other oasis products such as vegetable crops, aromatic and medicinal plants. Additionally, women weave clothing and carpets from camel skin and remnants of fabrics.

Underrepresentation of oasis women in the public sphere 

Despite women’s significant contribution to the local economy and the preservation of the oases biodiversity, and their remarkable participation in the first municipal elections after the revolution in 2018 (out of 36 electoral lists, 11 were headed by women in Tozeur), their presence in local governance and the political scene remain weak. Following 2018 municipal elections, women of Tozeur have only won seats as deputy mayors.

The same goes for civil society: 70% of members of organizations targeted by the survey on which this article is partially based are women, while this figure is inverted when it comes to decision-making posts as it turned out that only 30% of active women in associations have managerial roles.

In the survey, 3 out of four of the people interviewed stated that the level of gender integration in development projects in Tozeur is insufficient and that dedicated programmes in the region do not take into account the needs and expectations of oasis women. For example, only 3 out of the 40 development projects, programmed for the Chebika, Tamagheza and Mides regions as part of the Sustainable Management of Oasis Ecosystems project (SMOE), financed by the World Bank, are dedicated to women.

Likewise, women make up only 3% of the members of the GDAs who are been appointed by the State to manage local natural resources including water, forests and pastures.

Existing initiatives and promising efforts to empower oasis women

Tunisia’s Jasmine revolution paved the way for increased participation of women on all levels. In Tozeur, several initiatives have been carried out by or for women, and various programmes and projects were launched to improve women’s lives and boost their leadership.

In 2017, the Regional Commission for Agricultural Development (CRDA) set up a women’s GDA in Tozeur as one of the components pf a project it has been conducted since 2013 with support of the German Ministry of Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) and the German Agency for International Cooperation (GIZ), to promote women’s participation in rural sustainable development [9].

Civil society organizations are also playing huge role in empowering women and strengthening female entrepreneurship. One good example is Tozeur WES Centre [10] whose some beneficiaries’ achievements were recognized on local and national levels. Precisely, Fathia Arfaoui, a housewife from Bouhlel, who won several awards for the quality of her date-derived products, after attending one of WES Centre’s training programme.

Another good example is the social enterprise Shanti which came up with the project El Mensej as a solution to fight environmental pollution caused by cloth waste, as well as to perpetuate an endangered knowledge and tradition [11].

Investing in initiatives enabling women to recover agricultural heritage would contribute to oasis women’s economic empowerment © La Ruche de la citoyenneté active de Tozeur

In 2018, and following the field diagnosis on which this article is based, the association La Ruche de la citoyenneté active à Tozeur conducted several activities to strengthen the resilience of oasis women in the face of climate change and to improve the incomes of women artisans through the promotion of local know-how and products that result from it (gastronomy, crafts …). these activities included a training for local elected officials and members of the civil society of Tozeur on gender and climate change, the production and dissemination of videos and radio programs on traditional dishes in connection with the biodiversity of oases, and the distribution of a directory to facilitate the marketing of local products developed by women in the region of Tozeur [12].

Conclusion:

Women of Tozeur have a close relationship with the oasis, therefore, any imbalance affecting the oasis ecosystem will evidently have an impact on their lives, which means that they must be involved in every decision making related to local development.

Investing in initiatives enabling women to recuperate and revive ancestral knowledge and agricultural and cultural heritage would contribute to the economic empowerment of women in Tozeur and the preservation of the environment. A program to improve product quality, packaging, and marketing will increase sales revenue for these women and help them to meet their needs and those of their families.

Scientific research in the area of adaptation and resilience to climate change in oasis regions needs to be developed and further explored. It is also necessary to build the capacities of local civil and institutional actors in planning and executing gender-sensitive projects and programs.

An urgent action to protect and to re-introduce local varieties resistant to climate change is also needed.

References

https://www.euromedwomen.foundation/pg/en/news/view/8281/climate-change-and-womens-economic-empowerment-in-tozeur

November 2018

16-30 November

• Why Female-Friendly Toilets Need to Become a Hot News Topic (News Deeply)
• Making Gains for Women in STEM Fields Will Take More Effort (The New York Times)
• Jailed Saudi women’s rights activists said to face electric shocks, beatings and other abuse (The Washington Post)
• Iran opens door to women at football but will anything really change? (The Guardian)
• Millions of Women in Kenyan Slums Avoid Using Available Toilets. We Need to Pay Attention to This (Science Alert)
• Women’s lives, behind the data (The Washington Post)
• Marching to End Violence Against Women (The New York Times)
• Most Dangerous Place for Women Is the Home, U.N. Report Finds (The New York Times)
• Ending inequality means ending ‘global pandemic’ of violence against women – UN chief (UN News)

1-15 November

• How Turkish Women With Disabilities Are Entering the Workforce (News Deeply)
• The Year of the Woman’s Activism: Marches, Phone Banks, Postcards, More (The New York Times)
• Handbook on the implementation of Recommendation on gender equality and media is available in Azerbaijani (Council of Europe)
• Education key to ending violence and advancing women’s rights say participants (Relief Web)
• Britain’s Equal Pay Day Highlights Gender Gap (The New York Times)
• The rape case in El Salvador shows what happens when hatred of women is enshrined in law (The Guardian)
• Women’s suffrage UK centenary to be marked by female politicians (The Guardian)
• Three New Takes on Feminism: In the Dorm, in the Economy and Around the World (The New York Times)
• Ethiopia’s First Female Supreme Court Chief Meaza Ashenafi Has Long Championed Women’s Rights (The Bustle)
• Lawyer in Rape Trial Links Thong With Consent, and Ireland Erupts (The New York Times)
• ‘It’s Time to Try to Change the Men’: Papua New Guinea’s Epidemic of Abuse (The New York Times)
• South Sudan’s women caught up in ‘futile man’s war’ UN gender equality chief (UN News)
• The ‘Year of the Woman’ goes global (CNN)
• Campaign reveals intensity of ‘victim blaming’ in rape cases in Lebanon (Step Feed)
• India’s top court ruled that women can enter a prominent temple. Protesters are keeping them out (The Washington Post)
• Merkel says Germany has a way to go on gender equality (ABC News)
• Tackling Menstrual Hygiene Among Adolescents in India (News Deeply)

Videos

• Women shouldn’t have to feel ‘grateful’ for opportunities (BBC News)

See Also