Contents:

1. Introduction: educational and political gender inequalities in Sub-Saharan Africa
2. Evidence of the effects of female representation on women’s education
   1. Studies of political gender quotas in India and Africa
   2. Tentative evidence from Uganda
3. Pitfalls of political gender quotas
4. Conclusion
5. References

Introduction: educational and political gender inequalities in sub-Saharan Africa

On average, women have a Human Development Index (HDI) that is 5.9% lower than that of men. In less developed countries, the disparity grows to 13.8% [1]. The UNPD’s Gender Inequality Index (GII), which encompasses health, education, political representation and labour market outcomes, estimates the global loss in achievements due to gender inequalities to be 0.441 [1]. Yet, this figure is even higher in less developed regions, with Sub-Saharan Africa scoring 0.569 on the GII while OECD countries stand, on average, at 0.186 [1]. This article examines two gender gaps in particular–political and educational and the relationship between them.

Regarding education, though great headway has been made in the past two decades in achieving gender parity, girls remain disadvantaged in regions like Sub-Saharan Africa, where according to UNICEF in 2018, 94 girls for every 100 boys, attended primary school, and only 85 attended secondary school [2]. Furthermore, UNESCO shows that in 2016, 9 million girls, as compared with 6 million boys, are expected to remain completely excluded from education [3].

On the other hand, Sub-Saharan Africa has proven itself a frontrunner in gender equality in the political sphere. The 1990s and early 2000s saw many countries in the region adopt affirmative action policies, introducing women into local and national government bodies [4]. These policies have paved the way to achieving female representation figures that far surpass many Western countries. Rwanda most prominently tops global rankings at 61% female seats in parliament – its 30% quota in all decision-making bodies having been implemented in 2003. The likes of South Africa, Mozambique, Burundi, Uganda and more, all stand above 35% compared to the US at 24% for instance [5].

Sub-Saharan Africa’s leadership in women’s political representation and concurrent trailing in educational gender equality, begs the question of how these two domains of gender equality are related. In particular, can female political representation put more girls in school?

Evidence of the effects of female representation on women’s education

On the one hand, women in politics are likely to steer policy agendas towards improving the lives of fellow women [6][7][8]. On the other hand, their mere presence on the political stage may also generate a role model effect, lifting the educational aspirations of other women and girls [9]. Quantitative evidence on the effect of female representation on women’s outcomes in the developing world has largely come from India, due to the country’s policy of randomly assigning one-third of all villages to female-only leadership elections. Random assignment means that all other factors which could also determine women’s outcomes, should, on average, be equally distributed between the group of villages that was assigned to female leadership and the group that was not. Hence, on average, the only difference between these two groups should be whether they were subjected to the female leadership rule or not, and it thus becomes possible to credibly attribute subsequent changes in girls’ education to the presence of a female leader. Beaman et al. (2012) collected data several years after this policy was implemented which reveal that in villages reserved for female leadership, the gender gap in parental as well as girls’ own aspirations for their future (as compared to those for boys), narrowed by 25% and 32% respectively [9]. They also found that the educational gender gap itself entirely vanishes and attribute this to improved aspirations fostered by female role modelling. This is strong evidence that when women enter the political stage, society’s estimation of female value rises, and parents as well as girls themselves invest more in their future.

In Africa, research on the effect of female representation on women’s education is scarce. Dimitrova-Grajzl and Obasanjo (2019) analyze data on GII components for African countries and find no correlation between the presence of a gender quota and women’s education [4]. When they differentiate between types of quotas, they do find that legislative candidate quotas (whereby parties must nominate a certain percentage of women as parliamentary candidates) as opposed to reserved seats (where a certain percentage of seats are reserved for women-only elections), are associated with higher secondary enrollment for girls. They argue that different quota designs lend different degrees of legitimacy to women MPs, which impacts their effectiveness as MPs.

Tentative evidence from Uganda

My research focuses on Uganda, given the lack of quantitative studies of the country’s quota system and its effects – especially on women’s education. The Ugandan gender gap in primary school has decreased markedly thanks largely to the 1997 policy of universal primary education [10]. However, the gap persists from late primary school onwards, with secondary and tertiary gender ratios at 0.89 and 0.27 respectively [11].

To investigate the potential role of female political representation in lifting these ratios, I study Uganda’s 1989 implementation of a parliamentary gender quota. The policy, whereby each district has to elect a female representative, caused a large spike in representation from virtually zero to 34 female MPs (or 12% of seats). I look at cohorts born between 1959 and 1987, calculating the average difference in education of women who completed their education before the quota’s implementation and women who completed it after implementation – those who actually witnessed the rise in female representation while in school. I then compare this difference to the same difference amongst men. Comparing women’s education alone, before and after the quota risks capturing the impact of countless other factors affecting education over time. However, by subtracting the female difference from the male difference, the factors experienced by both men and women can be differenced out. This adds some credibility to the claim of isolating the effect of the quota on women’s education.

Results show that girls who were in school during the spike in female representation saw nearly one more year of education, a 4% higher probability of having finished primary school and 18% higher probability of having entered school at all. These are large, statistically significant, effects, considering that for women who completed their education before the quota, average years of education stood at 3.34 and primary-completion and school-entry rates were 20% and 57% respectively.

Nonetheless, these conclusions should be drawn cautiously, given the difficulty of definitively isolating the effect of the parliamentary quota. Although the double-differencing method eliminates some confounding factors, a definite causal interpretation of the above effects relies on there being no factors affecting education which varied over time (from before to after the quota) while also varying between women and men. In truth, one such factor, which is difficult to control for, is the growing women’s movement and the fact that regardless of the quota, since as early as the 1940s, it is likely that women’s education was increasing at a faster rate than men’s as a result of gradually improving societal attitudes.

Pitfalls of political gender quotas

Quotas are undoubtedly an effective means of increasing female representation, however, there is ongoing debate on whether they are detrimental to meritocracy and whether women elected within a quota system suffer from less legitimacy. In Uganda in particular, the quota’s design has been accused of being a patronage-spreading tool [12]. Since it is a reserved seat quota whereby every district in the country must proffer a female MP, the incumbent party’s frequent district-creation has led critics to claim it opens its doors to women MPs only to illicit loyalty and geographically advance their influence, illegitimating female MPs in the eyes of the electorate. Policy recommendations regarding gender quotas should thus take into account the diversity of quota systems and their relative advantages and disadvantages.

Conclusion

Though much more research is necessary to be able to draw generalizable conclusions, women’s political presence might be a promising tool to promote women’s education in the developing world. Indeed, female schooling can be most effectively promoted through direct supply or demand-side policies; however, synergies between gender equality in different domains should certainly be welcomed and further explored.

About the author:

Maike Kusserow has recently graduated from the University of Warwick with a BSc in Economics & Politics with study abroad at Sciences Po Paris. She is German-Colombian and grew up between East Africa, Germany, Austria and Colombia. She is passionate about issues of gender inequality and has a great interest in development economics. Her research, “Can political gender equality promote educational gender equality? Impacts of a parliamentary gender quota on women’s education in Uganda”, is available upon request.

References

Table of Contents

1. Why does gender matter?
   1. Gender vs. sex
   2. Gender formed by culture
   3. Gender, the environment, and gender mainstreaming
   4. Cultural gender norms and water
2. Effect of climate change on women and water
   1. Precipitation pattern changes
   2. Sea level rise
   3. Desertification
   4. Glacier melt
3. See also

Why does gender matter?

Gender vs. sex

Gender and sex connote two different characteristics that can be used to describe individuals. “Sex” refers to biological, physiological structures that differentiate males and females; this terms describes chromosomes, organs, and hormones. “Gender,” on the other hand, refers to the culturally conceived differences between people based on their sex. When discussing femininity and masculinity, womanly or manly characteristics, one refers to gender, not sex. Sex has very little variation; gender, between cultures, can vary widely in what it means (Kimmel 2013). Jennifer Fluri defined gender in relation to how it manifests on one’s body based on one’s biological sex definition: “Gender is an expression of the social roles, norms, and expectations that are mapped onto one’s biological body…[but] differences between women and men are not firmly dichotomous” (Oberhauser et al. 2017, 26). Kimmel also argues that there is a power-relations dynamic inherent in current conceptualizations of gender, and these power relations place men as in power above women, and often above other men (Kimmel 2013).

Gender formed by culture

Gender, by definition, is constructed based on cultural understandings and expectations of how men and women should behave. These behaviors become entrenched in individuals due to the influence of culture on daily lives, and the acceptance of gendered norms of behavior are reinforced through performance, or acting in accordance with mainstreamed expectations of one’s gender. Under the concept of performativity, gender becomes the act doing behaviors associated with a particular sex based on cultural norms, and repetition of this performativity results in gender roles becoming normalized social behaviors. Because gender reflects culture, gender norms can shift over time as society and cultures change (Oberhauser et al. 2017).

Acts of performativity of gender both result from and reinforce dominant social and political concepts of gendered behaviors. Those who do not perform gender according to dominant gender concepts engage in code-switching. These concepts include how different people experience access to natural resources, space, and place. Feminist geographers recognize that gender roles and norms can include differences in how different genders have different experiences and associations with certain spaces and places: “places…are perceived and experienced differently by different groups of people” based on gender, race, class, and other forms of labels and categories. Patriarchal and heterosexual norms can mean that public places and private spaces can hold entrenched expectations of behavior based on gender and identity which can disadvantage people who enter those spaces while also not conforming to these expectations and norms. Gender can further inform how different groups of people move through such spaces, in a concept called mobility, both in terms of large-scale movements of large groups but also including movement in the patterns of everyday life and responsibilities (Oberhauser et al. 2017).

Gender, the environment, and gender mainstreaming

Feminist political ecology (FPE) seeks to question and inform understanding regarding how gender, and other social labels and classifiers, influence how people relate to and interact with the natural environment. In particular, FPE examines how gender roles and power relations influence divisions of labor along gender lines in sectors closely tied to the environment, such as agriculture and subsistence farming, population studies, and family health. FPE research and literature views human-environmental relations as heavily influenced by gender, power relations, and divisions of labor (Oberhauser et al. 2017). Recognizing this branch of scholarship and connections between gender roles and natural resource use, development-focused organizations often attempt integrate gender equality goals into development and sustainability projects by paying increased attention to women’s roles in community engagement with the environment (Ivens 2008). Gender becomes integrated into these environmentally-focused and development-oriented policies, projects, and programs through gender mainstreaming, which further encourages the convergence of women’s issues and gender equality with natural resource protection and development projects (Dankelman 2010).

Cultural gender roles and water

Beginning in the 19th century, water management, access, and technology was considered a masculine domain. In contrast to this culturalized dimension of masculine technological control, water gathering and supply to family units remains primarily a woman’s task in most regions of the world where water gathering is a main chore. This water work is also largely unpaid household work based on patriarchal gender norms dictating that women are the main actors responsible for most tasks involving water, such as laundry, cooking, and child care (Bennet, Davila-Poblete, Rico 2008). Gender norms can negatively affect how men and women access water through such behavior expectations along gender lines–for example, when water collection is a woman’s chore, men who collect water may face discrimination for code-switching and performing perceived women’s work (CAP-NET and GWA 2006). On the other hand, the same norms often result in women being pressured to collect and use water in an efficient and timely manner, without the advantages of modern technology (Krishnaraj 2011).

Effect of climate change on gender and water

The warming of the earth’s climate has had many adverse effects on societies all over the world. In many areas, people suffer from drought, flooding due to sea level rise, and other threats to their food and water stability and accessibility. It has been noted that gendered vulnerabilities that may already be present in some societies have been amplified due to the threats posed by climate change. Disparities between gendered roles in the household and who holds a family’s assets become even more drastic when a family unit is faced with competition for essential resources like water (Eastin 2018). Additionally, gendered accessibility to disaster relief and resources allows for marginalized groups to be disproportionately affected by climate change related disasters (Knight et al 2012). These are all factors that need to be addressed through a combination of empathy, policy, ethics, and action as a greater number of marginalized groups are being affected and displaced by the effects of climate change.

Precipitation pattern changes

In the past ten years, the Brazilian Amazon has already faced some of the most disastrous droughts and floods due to changes in precipitation attributed to climate change. Other climate changes in this area have been noted such as an increase in the dry season length, increased river discharge, overall reduced precipitation and temperature increase projections (Menezes et al 2018). Areas of Northern Brazil were studied to determine the vulnerability of the people that live here and determine the factors that influence their vulnerability (Menezes et al 2018). This study focused on the systems in place to address future hydrometeorological climate change disasters as well as socioeconomic conditions already present.

People that live in highly impoverished were found to be more vulnerable to the effects of climate change (Menezes et al 2018). As found in another study, it is common that societies with less access to resources due to poverty tend to reinforce gendered societal structures because of low socioeconomic mobility of women (Eastin 2018). Those already in power in societies unequally impacted by climate change receive the majority of available resources while those already in poverty continue to be discriminated against and given very little to survive.

Sea level rise

Sea level rise may be one of the most impactful side effects of climate change and will influence the lives of countless people. As habitable area like coastal and low lying areas become inundated with ocean water, the percentage of the population that is affected by this sea level increase will also rise (McAdam et al 2016). There has been widespread disruption to global water resources as a result of increased ocean transgression and loss of freshwater sources. Over half a billion people live in low elevation areas that will be affected by sea level rise and the influences it may have on agriculture, freshwater availability, and habitable spaces (McAdam et al 2016).

The right to water is not explicitly stated in the United Nations’ International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) report, which although implicitly stated, may become problematic as people affected by sea level rise may need to leave their homes and seek refuge elsewhere (McAdams et al 2016). Disaster relief has been and continues to be gendered, and leaves room for discrimination and allows marginalized groups to be disproportionately affected by natural hazards (Knight et al 2012). As has also been seen before, when resource availability decreases, marginalization increases, and already structured societal discrimination is reinforced (Eastin 2018). The gendering of resources available to those affected by sea level rise and other natural disasters caused by climate change is a jarring reality of current social systems around the world.

Desertification

In Africa, women are responsible for nearly 80 percent of agriculture and water collection, and yet they remain in poverty (Zoloth 2017). As farms become infertile and water tables run dry from desertification, families are forced to move their homes and find refuge elsewhere. Particularly in areas that rely heavily on agriculture, desertification results in a widespread loss of fertile land and ultimately adds to gendered vulnerability by reinforcing previously established gendered roles (Eastin 2018). When food is unavailable in a community due to desertification, women have reduced bargaining power, and are less likely to obtain independent socioeconomic status and are more reliant on the systems that discriminate against them (Eastin 2018). A lack of water means women in these areas of the world means it is more difficult for women to safely carry a pregnancy to term, give birth, nurse their children while maintaining self hygiene by washing and caring for themselves and their infants (Zoloth 2017). The large disparity between overconsumption of rich countries and the lack of access to basic resources in the poorest areas of the world needs to be addressed through a combination of ethics, policy, and action. Doing so will increase resource accessibility which will then indirectly lessen the reliance on gendered societal structures and allow women to have more mobility and bargaining power within political and societal systems.

Glacier melt

The majority of the world’s glaciers are being adversely affected by climate changes and have been retreating due to the global increase in temperature. The mountain glaciers found in the high altitudes of the Andes are not exempt from this general trend. The large scale retreat of the Andean glaciers, although temporarily providing extra water supply to groups of people downstream of the meltwater during the dry season, there is a long term threat to dry season river discharge (Vuille et al 2018). The fresh meltwater from the glacier is used for agriculture and drinking water in Peru and many other highly populated areas downstream of the retreating Andean glaciers.

Additionally, in Peruvian culture, there are strong connections between masculinity and power over water, and ultimately, a decrease in water availability will lead to further discrimination and a gendered power imbalance for water (Delgado and Zwarteveen 2007). Much like the incidents in previous case studies, in the face of a lack of resources, societies rely upon the patriarchal structures in which creates a greater gendered imbalance. Those who began in power continue to receive the majority for the resources while those in poverty and with little independence or social freedom continue to suffer must rely upon the system (Eastin 2018).

See also

Bennet, Vivienne, Davila-Poblete, Sonia, and Maria N. Rico. 2008. Water and gender: the unexpected connection that really matters. Journal of International Affairs 61(2): 107-126.

CAP-NET and GWA. 2006. Why Gender Matters: a tutorial for water managers. Multimedia CD and booklet. CAP-NET International network for Capacity Building in Integrated Water Resources Management, Delft.

Dankelman, Irene. 2010. Gender and Climate Change: An Introduction. New York: Taylor and Francis.

Delgado, Juana Vera, and Margreet Zwarteveen. 2007. “The Public and Private Domain of the Everyday Politics of Water: The Constructions of Gender and Water Power in the Andes of Perú.” International Feminist Journal Of Politics 9(4): 503.

Eastin, Joshua. 2018. Climate change and gender equality in developing states. World Development 107: 289-305.

Ivens, Saskia. 2008. Does increased water access empower women? Development 51: 63-67.

Kimmel, Michael. 2013. The Gendered Society. 5th Ed., New York: Oxford University Press

Knight, Kyle. Gaillard,JC, Sanz, Kristinne. 2012. Gendering the MDGS Beyond 2015: Understanding Needs and Capacities of LGBTI Persons in Disasters and Emergencies. Global Thematic Consultation.

Krishnaraj, Maithreyi. 2011. Women and water: Issues of gender, caste, class and institutions. Economic and Political Weekly 46(18): 37-39.

McAdams, Jane, Burson, Bruce, Walter, Kalun, & Weerasinghe, Sanjula. 2016. International Law and Sea-Level Rise: Forced Migration and Human Rights. FNI Reports, (1), 1.

Menezes, J., Confalonieri, U., Madureira, A., Duval, I., Santos, R., Margonari, C. 2018. Mapping human vulnerability to climate change in the Brazilian Amazon: The construction of a municipal vulnerability index. Plos ONE  13(2):1-30.

Oberhauser, Ann M., Fluri, Jennifer L., Whitson, Risa, and Mollett, Sharlene. 2017. Feminist Spaces: Gender and Geography in a Global Context. Florence: Taylor and Francis.

Vuille, Mathias, Carey, Mark, Huggel, Christian, Buytaert, Wouter, Rabatel, Antoine, Jacobsen, Dean, Soruco, Alvaro, Villacis, Marcos, Yarleque, Christian, Elison Timm, Oliver, Condom, Thomas, Salzmann, Nadine, & Sicart, Jean-Emmanual, 2018. ‘Invited review: Rapid decline of snow and ice in the tropical Andes – Impacts, uncertainties and challenges ahead’, Earth-Science Reviews, vol. 176, pp. 195-213.

Zoloth, Laurie. 2017. At the Last Well on Earth: Climate Change is a Feminist Issue. ProjectMUSE 2:139.

Purpose

For many centuries, until around 1175, Anglo-Saxons and then Anglo-Norman women, with the exception of young unmarried girls, wore veils that entirely covered their hair, and often their necks up to their chins. Only in the Tudor period (1485), when hoods became increasingly popular, did veils of this type become less common. For centuries, women have worn sheer veils, but only under certain circumstances. Sometimes a veil of this type was draped over and pinned to the bonnet or hat of a woman in mourning, especially at the funeral and during the subsequent period of “high mourning”. They would also have been used, as an alternative to a mask, as a simple method of hiding the identity of a woman who was travelling to meet a lover, or doing anything she didn’t want other people to find out about. More pragmatically, veils were also sometimes worn to protect the complexion from sun and wind damage (when un-tanned skin was fashionable), or to keep dust out of a woman’s face.

Veils with religious significance

In Judaism and Christianity the concept of covering the head was associated with propriety and can be witnessed in all depictions of Mary the mother of Christ, and was a common practice with Church-going women until the 1960s. A number of very traditional churches do retain the custom even to this day.

Women’s headcoverings

Traditionally, in Christianity, women were enjoined to cover their heads in church, just as it was (and still is) customary for men to remove their hat as a sign of respect. This practice is based on the Bible (Corinthians: 11:4-16).Unknown. (ND). Corinthians 11:4-16 (New International Version). Retrieved August 19, 2010, from Bible Gateway: http://www.biblegateway.com/passage/?search=1+Corinthians+11%3A4-16&version=NIV In many traditional Eastern Orthodox Churches, and in some very conservative Protestant churches as well, the custom continues of women covering their heads in church (or even when praying privately at home). In the Roman Catholic Church, it was customary, before the 1960s for women in most places to wear a headcovering in the form of a scarf, cap, veil or hat when entering a church. The practice now continues where it is seen as a matter of etiquette, courtesy, tradition or fashionable elegance rather than strictly of religion. Traditionalist Catholics also maintain the practice.

Western nuns

A veil forms part of the headdress of some religious orders of nuns or religious sisters ; this is why a woman who becomes a nun is said “to take the veil”. In many orders, a white veil is used as the “veil of probation” during novitiate, and a dark veil for the “veil of profession” once first vows are taken; the color scheme varies with the color scheme of the habit of the order. A veil of consecration, longer and fuller, is used by some orders for final profession of solemn perpetual vows. Nuns are the female counterparts of monks, and many monastic orders of women have retained the veil. Other orders, of religious sisters who are not cloistered but who work as teachers, nurses or in other “active” apostolates outside of a monastery, have abolished the use of the veil, or adopted a modified, short version; a few never had a veil to start with, but used a bonnet-style headdress even a century ago. The fullest versions of the nun’s veil cover the top of the head and flow down around and over the shoulders. In Western Christianity, it does not wrap around the neck or face. In those orders that retain one, the starched white covering about the face neck and shoulders is known as a wimple and is a separate garment. The Catholic Church has revived the practice of allowing women to profess vows as consecrated virgins; women who take the vows of religion without belonging to a particular order but who are under the direct care of the local bishop. These women may be given a veil as a sign of consecration. There has also been renewed interest in the last half century in the ancient practice of women and men dedicating themselves as anchorites or hermits, and there is a formal process whereby such persons can seek recognition of their vows by the local bishop; a veil for these women would also be traditional. Some Anglican women’s religious orders also wear a veil, differing according to the traditions of each order.

Eastern monasticism

In Eastern Orthodoxy and in the Eastern Rites of the Catholic Church, a veil called an epanokamelavkion is used by both nuns and monks, in both cases covering completely the kamilavkion, a cylindrical hat worn by both monks and nuns. In Slavic practice, when the veil is worn over the kamilavkion, the entire headdress is referred to as a klobuk. Nuns wear an additional veil under the klobuk, called an apostolnik, which is drawn together to cover the neck and shoulders as well as their heads, leaving the face itself open.

Veils in Mormonism

Mormon women also wear a veil as part of ritual temple clothing. This veil, along with the entire temple ritual clothing, is worn only inside the temple. Normally, the veil is worn off the face; it is lowered to cover the face of the wearer during prayer, as part of the temple ritual.

Mormons who have undertaken the temple ritual will typically be buried in this clothing. During the viewing of the body, the face remains unveiled. Immediately prior to the closing and sealing of the casket, the veil is lowered over the face of the deceased.

Muslim veils

A variety of headdresses worn by Muslim women in accordance with khimar (the principle of dressing modestly) are sometimes referred to as veils or headscarves. Many of these garments cover the hair, ears and throat, but do not cover the face. The niqab and burqa are two kinds of veils that cover most of the face except for a slit or hole for the eyes. The Afghan burqa covers the entire body, obscuring the face completely, except for a grille or netting over the eyes to allow the wearer to see. The boushiya is a veil that may be worn over a headscarf, it covers the entire face and is made of a sheer fabric so the wearer is able to see through it. It has been suggested that the Byzantine practice of wearing a veil – uncommon among the Arab tribes prior to the rise of Islam – originated in the Byzantine Empire, and then spread among the Arabs.Review of Herrin book, and Michael Angold, Church and Society in Byzantium Under the Comneni, 1081-1261, pp. 426-7 & ff;1995, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0521269865; see also John Esposito, Islam: The Straight Path,, p.98, 3rd Edition. Oxford University Press, 2005.

Other veils

Veils with hats

Veils pinned to hats have survived the changing fashions of the centuries and are still common today on occasions when women wear hats. However, these veils are generally made of netting or another material not actually designed to hide the face from view, even if the veil can be pulled down, which is not always the case.

Wedding veils

It is not altogether clear that the wedding veil is a non-religious use of this item, since weddings have almost always had religious underpinnings, especially in the West: in the Christian tradition this is expressed in the Gospel passage, “What therefore God has joined together, let no man put asunder” (Mt. 19:6), but veils had been used in the West for weddings long before this (Roman brides, for instance, wore an intensely flame-coloured and fulsome veil, called the flammeum, apparently intended to protect the bride from evil spirits on her wedding day). The lifting of the veil was often a part of ancient wedding ritual. In many cultures, the lifting of the wedding veil symbolized the groom taking possession of the wife, either as lover or as property, or the revelation of the bride to the groom by her parents for approval. In ancient Judaism the lifting of the veil took place just prior to the consummation of the marriage in sexual union. The uncovering or unveiling that takes place in the marriage ceremony is a symbol of what will take place in the marriage bed. Just as the two become one through their words spoken in wedding vows, so these words are a sign of the physical oneness that they will consummate later on. The lifting of the veil is a symbol and an anticipation of this. In the story of Jacob in the Old Testament (found in the Book of Genesis), his father-in-law, Laban, tricks Jacob into marrying the wrong woman. Because of the heavily masked veil that was not raised until after the union was complete, Jacob married the older and homelier Leah instead of the young and beautiful Rachel. Rachel was his one true love, and the deceit resulted in Jacob eventually having both as his wives. The story also resulted in the Jewish practice where a groom lowers the veil before the ceremony and lifts the veil before the kiss. This practice is known as Bedeken.

Courtesans

Conversely, veils are often part of the stereotypical image of the courtesan and harem woman. Here, rather than the virginity of the bride’s veil, modesty of the Muslim scarf or the piety of the nun’s headdress, the mysterious veil hints at sensuality and the unknown. An example of the veil’s erotic potential is the dance of the seven veils. In this context, the term may refer to a piece of sheer cloth approximately 3 yards by 45 inches, sometimes trimmed with sequins or coins, which is used in various styles of belly dancing. A large repertoire of ways to wear and hold the veil exists, many of which are intended to frame the body from the perspective of the audience.

In West Africa

Among the Tuareg of West Africa, women do not traditionally wear the veil, while men do. The men’s facial covering originates from the belief that such action wards off evil spirits, but most probably relates to protection against the harsh desert sands as well; in any event, it is a firmly established tradition. Men begin wearing a veil at age 25 which conceals their entire face excluding their eyes. This veil is never removed, even in front of family members.

References

See also

• Purdah
• Syria bans niqab
• Burqavaganza

Table of Contents

World Pulse is a global movement

We are a powerful online community of women worldwide who speak out about today’s biggest problems. Women from 190 nations are using WorldPulse.com to start movements and pressure global leaders to take a stand on the issues affecting their lives.

Together we are building solutions, speeding up the change, and directly impacting 2.2 million people around the world.

Women’s empowerment isn’t happening fast enough

There is no central forum for women and the organizations that serve them to speak out about today’s most pressing issues, connect to each other, access resources, and support and leverage their collective voice. As a result, there is no easy way for policy makers and key influencers to communicate with women on the ground.

World Pulse mobilizes women for global change

World Pulse is the leading online platform for grassroots communities of women to mobilize around issues that matter to them—cross-languages, cross-religions, cross-cultures.

• We equip outstanding women leaders with the confidence and skills to digitally mobilize individuals around the world.
• We provide branded space on our platform for women’s empowerment organizations to connect to each other and leverage our collective impact.
• We create a bridge for direct communication between key global influencers and women on the ground, increasing women’s participation in major decision-making.

A global tipping point

World Pulse is embarking on a journey to engage ten million women to mobilize around the issues they care about and to influence one billion others in their communities, in order to create an unstoppable wave for global change.

2015 will be our year of innovation with a focus on scaling our systems and building sustainable foundation for reaching ten million women leaders and their allies in the years to come.

Partners for scale

• INTEL: World Pulse is working directly with Intel on an initiative that will empower 600,000 women in Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa over the next three years. Other key partners include USAID, World Vision, and NetHope.
• WORLD YWCA: The World YWCA is eager to bring their three million members onto World Pulse’s platform to galvanize an unstoppable movement of women leading global change.
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External links

• World Pulse website

Methodology

The methodology involved compiling responses to a questionnaire sent to 336 gender experts. Experts were asked to respond to statements and rate the importance of factors affecting women’s rights across the six categories. Their responses were converted into scores, which were averaged to create a ranking.Thomson Reuters Foundation”>”Women’s Rights in the Arab World: Poll Methodology,” Thomson Reuters Foundation

A full description of the methodology is provided here.

Findings

The poll found that Egypt ranked last, followed by Iraq and Saudi Arabia. Comoros topped the list, followed by Oman and Kuwait.

Egypt’s low ranking is based on high rates of sexual harassment (affecting 99.3% of women and girls), female genital mutilation (FGM, affecting 91% of the female population), and illiteracy (applying to 63% of the adult female population). Iraq scored poorly due mass displacement resulting from invasion and conflict, making thousands of women vulnerable to trafficking and sexual violence. Moreover, men who kill their wives in Iraq are subject to only three years’ imprisonment.

Comoros topped the ranking, because Comorian women have a good deal of social freedom while sexual abuse is recognized and punished. Still, women hold only 3% of seats in the national parliament. Oman’s high score was based on the better social protection accorded to women compared to in other Arab countries. Still, FGM is practiced in some regions and women face discrimination in the workplace and pressure to conform to traditional roles.

The full findings are available here.

Critiques

Some women’s rights activists in Egypt criticized the report or questioned its methodology, while acknowledging that Egypt is a difficult place to be a woman. They raised concerns about the selection of the survey’s expert respondents, as well as whether Egypt deserved a lower ranking than Saudi Arabia, where a woman cannot leave the home without approval of a male guardian, or Syria, where rape is used as a weapon of war.Huffington Post 13.11.2013″>”Egyptian Women Criticize Poll Calling Egypt Worst Arab Country For Women,” Huffington Post 13.11.2013

See also

• 2009 2009 Social Institutions and Gender Index
• 2009 Social Institutions and Gender Index 2012
• 2010 State of World Population United NationsFPA Report
• The World's Women 2010: Trends and Statistics

References

External links

• http://www.trust.org/spotlight/poll-womens-rights-in-the-arab-world/
• http://www.trust.org/application/velocity/spotlight-extensions/womens-rights-in-the-arab-world/english/documents/methodology.pdf

UPDATE

After court rulings on April 24 2013, “Judge Sobel declared, as the group has maintained for the past ten years, that women’s prayer, with Torah, tefillin and tallit, is not a disturbance of the peace or a crime, but a valid, civil right which women should be afforded.” http://www.jewishpress.com/news/break…/| Yanover, Yori. The Jewish Press. April 30, 2013. Retrieved 10 May 2013 See article: Historic victory in court for Women of the Wall, 25 April 2013 According to an article in the Jerusalem Post, the Women of Wall were allowed to conduct, “…their first monthly service without restrictions after a court ruling two weeks ago reinterpreted existing laws and allowed them to be able to perform their own customs, such as wearing prayer shawls and tefillin, without fear of being arrested.” Haredim heckle and harass Women of the Wall during prayer Sharon, Jeremy. Jerusalem Post, 10 May 2013. Retrieved 10 May 2013 “Women of the Wall Spokesperson, Oshrat Ben Shimshon told Israel Radio, “Orthodox rabbis have determined that there is no halachik barrier to women praying with prayer shawls and tefillin and reading from the Torah.” Haredim heckle and harass Women of the Wall during prayer Sharon, Jeremy. Jerusalem Post, 10 May 2013. Retrieved 10 May 2013 The Women of the Wall responded to this proclamation by holding their monthly prayer services on May 10, 2013 at the Western Wall. (See video below) The Women of the Wall called this moment a victory for women as well as religious plurality and respect at a public space. The service was met by a large protest of Haredim (Ultra-Orthodox). According to the Jerusalem Post, “Several thousand yeshiva students and haredi school girls convened at the Western Wall plaza in Jerusalem to protest the monthly prayer service of the Women of the Wall.” Haredim heckle and harass Women of the Wall during prayer Sharon, Jeremy. Jerusalem Post, 10 May 2013. Retrieved 10 May 2013 The protesters arrived at the Western Wall and are reported to have thrown water bottles, trash, and coffee at the women while they were praying. Police had to form a human barrier between the protesters and the praying women.

Summary

History

Background

The Women of the Wall (WOW) was founded in 1988 during the first International Jewish Feminist Conference in Jerusalem. At the meeting, a group of over 100 observant Jewish women went to pray at the Wall and were met by verbal and physical abuse by Orthodox men and women at the Wall. The Wall is overseen by Shmuel Rabinowitz, the Rabbi of the Western and Wall and Holy sites “Rabi Shmuel Rabinovitch,” http://www.aleh.org/eng/board.asp?SID=6, retrieved April 19, 2013. While the Wall is a public area, it is governed by Orthodox decencies and restricts men and women from praying together. A dividing panel, thus giving each sex their space for prayers, achieves this separation of the sexes. These laws of separation relegate women to a “lesser” standing and forbids them to sing aloud in the presence of men, to read aloud from the Torah or to wear religious garments such as a tallit or tefilin. Women are not allowed to congregate in a group and pray aloud, while men often conduct full prayer services on the other side of the panel. Since their first meeting in 1988, the group has returned to the site almost monthly for Rosh Hodesh services in order to continue to question the Orthodox monopoly and inequality they face. Women of the Wall Szymkowicz, Sarah, Jewish Virtual Library. Retrieved April 19, 2013 The Rosh Hodesh services have an important connotation to women in Judaism as it is the monthly service that celebrates the cycle of the New Moon and is traditionally a celebration for women. These services have not passed peaceably however. The group has seen many arrests as they continue to enter the women’s prayer section with prayer shawls or a Torah. The group has become very well known in the Gender Equality in the United States of America of America and in Israel .

Timeline

• March 1989: WoW arrive at the Wall to pray and police fired tear gas at them. Four women submit a petition to the Supreme Court of Israel.
• May 1989: the Supreme Court of Israel hears the case for the first time. They ban women from praying with a Torah or a prayer shawl at the Wall.
• December 31, 1989: The Ministry of Religion and the Ministry of Justice incite a new regulation to “prohibit any religious ceremony at a holy place that is not in accordance with the custom of the holy site and which offends the sensitivities of the worshipers at the place.” The penalty for violating this regulation is 6 months in jail and/or a fine. This regulation is still in effect. “The Israeli Supreme Court Denies Women The Right to Pray at the Western Wall”, Findlaw. April 23, 2003
• 1990: The International Committee for Women Of the Wall (ICWOW) (founded in 1989) takes a case to the Supreme Court arguing for the rights of women everywhere.
• 1991: The Court hears oral arguments for the case.
• 1994: The Court rules that the case is better left to a committee to discuss than a court to rule upon.
• 1996: The Commission responds to the case with three possible solutions:

1. allow the Women of the Wall to pray at another section of the Wall in the Muslim quarter (this idea was rejected by the police)
2. allow the Women of the Wall to pray at an ancient wall outside of the Old City (this idea was rejected by WOW)
3. allow the Women of the Wall to pray at an archaeological site which accesses another part of the Wall.

• 1997: WOW concede and accept the conditions to pray at the other site, dubbed “Robinson’s Arch.” However, the space is not handicap equipped and the group remains discontent as they felt they had been relegated to an inferior section.
• 1997-2000: work continues on Robinson’s Arch to transform it into an adequate location for prayer.
• 2003: after the introduction of several laws in the Knesset (legislature) banning the women from praying at the Wall, the Orthodox political party Shas puts enough pressure on the court to overturn its earlier position. The court bans the wearing of prayer shawls and reading from the Torah.
• 2004: Robinson’s Arch is inaugurated as another site of prayer.
• 2009: while praying with WOW, Nofrat Frenkel, a young Israeli medical student, was arrested. Frenkel was held for several hours, interrogated, and charged with illegally wearing a tallit at the Western Wall.http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-3807090,00.html| Police arrest woman praying| Weiss, Efrat. YnetNews. Nov. 18, 2009
• October 2012: Three women are arrested, one including Anat Hoffman, chairwoman of WOW.women arrested while praying at Western Wall in 24 hours 972 Mag. 17 October 2012. Retrieved 25 May 2013 Hoffman was detained for the night and claims to have been “checked… naked, completely, without my underwear. They dragged me on the floor 15 meters; my arms are bruised. They put me in a cell without a bed, with three other prisoners, including a prostitute and a car thief.” Hoffman Arrested for Singing at Western Wall 17 October 2012. Retrieved 25 May 2013. She was banned from returning to the Wall for 30 days.
• December 2012: Prime Minister Netanyahu delegates Natan Sharansky, the chairman of the Jewish Agency, to outline a proposal to resolve the dispute Sharansky: Kotel arrests flag need to resolve issue Jerusalem Post, 11 April 2013. Retrieved 25 May 2013.
• Februray 2013: 10 women, including two American Rabbis were arrested.Arrests of 10 Women Praying at Western Wall Add to Tensions Over a Holy Site NYTimes. Februrary 12, 2013. The group gains international recognition after the arrests.
• April 9, 2013: Sharansky reveals his proposal that would expand the prayer area of Robinson’s Arch to allow groups and individuals that do not associate with the Orthodox vein to pray in their own space. Plan to Resolve Western Wall Prayer Controversy NYTimes. April 9, 2013
• April 11, 2013: the Supreme Court rules in favor of Women of the Wall. After the arrest of five women in April, the court ruled that the women were not disrupting public order. The women were at the Western Wall wearing “tallit” and singing aloud. Israeli Court Rules for Women in Western Wall Dispute NYTimes April 11, 2013

Controversy

While many members of the group identify as being observant and even Orthodox, the Orthodox and Ultra-Orthodox groups find their protest threatens the very nature of orthodoxy and violate Jewish Law (“Halakha”). At a Sacred Site, a Fight Over Women and Prayer, NYTimes Dec. 22, 2012 The role of women has been interpreted differently by different strains of Judaism. According to traditional Jewish interpretations of the Torah, the role of women is to raise a family and support her husband. Praying, scholarly learning and reading from the Torah fall into the man’s domain. Women of the Wall challenges this claim by asking for national and international acceptance of the right of a woman to engage in religion publicly in her own way. Furthermore, Modern Orthodox and Conservative congregations have evolved in the United States to question this role and be more open to an egalitarian religious community. Reform and Reconstructionist Jews go the farthest in their interpretation of equality in religion and have female Rabbis. Women of the Wall has much of its support in the United States among these groups. The controversy at the Wall has evolved into a larger conversation about the different interpretations of Judaism, the role of Israel as a Jewish State, and the role which international Jewry plays.

Position of Women of the Wall

The members who make up Women of the Wall are modern orthodox, reform, conservative, and secular Jews from around the world. According to their mission statement, “As Women of the Wall, our central mission is to achieve the social and legal recognition of our right, as women, to wear prayer shawls, pray and read from the Torah collectively and out loud at the Western Wall.” Women of the Wall Website The struggle to claim equality at the Wall is not just a declaration of freedom of religious plurality and practice in the Jewish state. It is also a call for general equality and internal reevaluation within the Jewish community to accord rights and status to women. It also highlights the Orthodox monopoly and the growing tensions between Orthodox and secular groups in Israel.

Position of Orthodox

The position of the Orthodox can be divided into 3 main claims:

1. A woman’s voice is a sexual incitement (and thus women cannot pray or sing out-loud in the presence of men that are not their husbands)
2. Women are not allowed to wear tallit or tefilin as these religious garments are meant only for men to use as a reminder of their agreement and binding to God
3. Women cannot read aloud from the Torah as it is distracting.

As the Women of the Wall fights for their right to these three things, the Orthodox interpretation is strong and steadfast against the modern-Orthodox, Conservative, Reform and Reconstructionist readings. Opponents to the group argue that the members are interested in a full revolution of the definition of Judaism rather than promoting equality. Trojan Horse at the Western Wall by Rabbi Avi Shafran, April 28, 2006 As Rabbi Avi Shafran writes, the group are more concerned with publicity than religion, practice and spirituality. –[User:Sschor|Sschor]

See also

• Israel
• Women's Parliament (Israel)
• Israel Defense Forces
• The Role of Women in the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process
• Isha L'Isha
• Women in religion
• Women's access to public space

References

External links

• Women of the Wall Website
• “The Woes of WOW: The Women of the Wall As a Religious Social Movement and as Metaphor”, Boston University School of Law Working Paper No. 13-2 (January 23, 2013) by Pnina Lahav
• Anat Hoffman Dares to Take on Israel’s Orthodox Establishment. Can She Win? Feb. 28, 2013
• The Schechter Institute: Nashim: A Journal of Jewish Women’s Studies and Gender Issues

The Tunisian Revolution was a series of street demonstrations taking place throughout Tunisia since December 2010. The demonstrations and riots were reported to have started over unemployment, food inflation, corruption, freedom of speech and poor living conditions. The protests constituted the most dramatic wave of social and political unrest in Tunisia in three decades and have resulted in scores of deaths and injuries.

The protests were sparked by a self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi on December 17 and led to the ousting of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali 28 days later on 15 January 2011, when he officially resigned after fleeing to Saudi Arabia , ending 23 years in power.

The protests inspired similar actions throughout the Arab world, most notably in Egypt , Yemen , and Jordan . Women in Tunisia are unique in the Arab world for enjoying near equality with men. And they are anxious to maintain their status. In Tunis, old ladies, young girls and women in black judges robes marched down the streets demanding that the dictator leave.

Status of Women in Tunisia

Tunisia has been strongly secular ever since it won independence from France in 1956. Both Presidents Habib Bourguiba and Zine al Abeddin Ben Ali suppressed the Islamic veil on women or beards on men. Tunisia’s legal system is based both on French civil and Islamic codes. Sharia courts were abolished in 1956, but the constitution declares Islam the state religion and stipulates that the President of the Republic must be a Muslim. The 1956 Personal Status Code gave women a key role in Tunisian society; it abolished Polygamy, allowed women the right to divorce and gave them access to Contraception and Abortion.

Today, 99% of Tunisian women are educated. Women participate actively in politics, law, medicine, academia, media and business.

Tunisian Women Manifesting

On January 14th, the day the former Tunisian President left the country, thousands of Tunisian women hit the streets, mainly the Habiba Bourguiba Avenue. Scenes of women holding a banner reading “Leave now” during the demonstration were frequent. Female voices rang out loud and clear during massive protests. In Tunis, old ladies, young girls and women in black judges robes marched down the streets demanding that the former President Ben Ali leaves. According to a couple of studies, most male respondents in a recent poll believed Tunisian women were entitled to “far too many rights”. With the revolution, this kind of statements collapsed before one common goal regardless of all sorts of differences – gender included. Lawyer Bilel Larbi states, “Just look at how Tunisian women stood side-by-side with Tunisian men. They came out to the streets to protest in headscarves. They came out in miniskirts. It doesn’t matter. They were there!”

Tunisian Women and the Household

During the revolution, in the household, women maintained their classical gender role – that is cooking, cleaning, etc. Nevertheless, this role was extended geographically speaking to reach the whole neighborhood sometimes. In fact, with the food shortage that some poor neighborhoods suffered during the revolution, families started interhelping; cooking for each other, sharing food, and so on. When the secret police violence acts started taking place after January 14, women even transgressed their traditional gender roles by contributing to saveguarding neighborhoods at night along with men. Sometimes, they even suggested that men who spend the night doing that role stay home while they take care of protesting. The aim was to give them the opprotunity to rest. Documentaire “Plus Jamais Peur” de Mourad Ben Cheikh, Productions KMBO, 2011.

Tunisian Women and Online Activism

In light of the dramatic development of events on a considerable scale, it has become evident that new media have been playing a key role this time around in keeping the momentum going, and bringing the voices of the disengaged Tunisian youth to the attention of world media, and hence to international public opinion. Mobile phones, blogs, YouTube, Facebook pages and Twitter feeds have become instrumental in mediating the live coverage of protests and speeches, as well as police brutality in dispersing demonstrations. The role of women in this social media activism was again inevitable. Lina Ben Mhenni, creator of the “Tunisian Girl” blog states: “I participated in most of the demonstrations in the capital, even the protest of the lawyers. In the last ten days of the events, I decided to go to Sidi Bou Zid to videotape the demonstrations there.”

See also

• Tunisia
• More on the Arab Spring in Wikiprogress

References

“Tunisie : l’héroïsme ordinaire des femmes” in LeMonde.fr”>“Tunisie : l’héroïsme ordinaire des femmes” in LeMonde.fr

QADITA.net

Tunisian Girl Blog

Aljazeera.net

EMAJ Magazine

A new law was adopted in France last April, banning the wearing of full face veils such as the niqab or the burqa. This has serious implications when one thinks about how a society is progressing. This new law is interesting as it raises issues such as freedom of expression, Freedom of dress or the integration of immigrants in a given country. How can a diverse society progress together? How can we ensure the cohesiveness of a society while respecting its diversity? How can we measure it?

This article isn’t complete. Please, contribute in adding references, links or information.

A New Law

On 11 April 2011, a new law was put in place in France forbidding the niqab (the full veil, hiding the entire face with the exception of the eyes) and the burqa (a full-body covering that includes a mesh over the face). Anyone wearing one of those is facing a 150 euros fine or some lessons in French citizenship. The hijab and the chador (both not covering the face) are not banned by the law.CNN, “France’s Islamic veil ban spurs passionate reaction worldwide”, by Michael Saba, available at: http://www.cnn.com/2011/IREPORT/04/25/defining.islam.irpt/ One of the reasons cited for this law is securityUniversity of Southern California, The Scoop, “Behind the Veil: France’s Ban on the Burqa”, by Robyn Carolyn Price, available at: ref http://www.trans-missions.org/theScoop/398/Behind-Veil-France&/Ban-on-Burqa, although it is really part of a wider political debate on the freedom of religion in France, which has started some 20 years ago.

A little bit of history

The law separating the State and the Church was adopted on 9 December 1905Commission Stasi, http://lesrapports.ladocumentationfrancaise.fr/BRP/034000725/0000.pdf and reflects the secularist and republican values of France: “the secular laws of France prohibit the wearing of religious symbols of any nature in schools and certain public buildings. This is taken to include the wearing of the veil, the hijab or the Sikh turban”Wikigender, , France. The principle of secularism was further sealed with the 1958 French Constitution, reinforcing State neutrality and guaranteeing national unity. But one has to remember that the 1905 law was adopted in a context where the dominant religion in France was Catholicism. Today, due to immigration flows, French society is a lot more religiously diverse. The challenge is therefore to reconcile national unity with the respect of diversity.

1989-1990

The principle of secularism already started to be challenged in 1989, when three young girls came to a school in Creil wearing a chador. After being first expelled from school by the director, the girls were finally allowed to attend school on the condition that they would not wear their veil inside the classroom. The debate on the Islamic veil gets started. Lionel Jospin, Minister for Education at the time, highlighted the fact that due to secularism, it is not possible to wear ostentatious religious signs while at school; however he also insisted on the fact that school should welcome children, and not exclude them from education. His final say finally translates into a bill that gives the right to teachers in school to decide whether or not they accept the veil in their classroom. This did not solve the problem, as similar cases happened in school throughout 1990, and the media increasingly started to raise issues such as integration, women’s rights, or freedom of religion.Politique.net, “Du foulard au voile intégral, histoire d’un débat très politique”, available at: http://www.politique.net/2010071403-voile-foulard-debats-et-lois.htm

2004

The situation becomes complex, as there is no clear criteria upon which a teacher can decide whether such or such religious sign has to be banned from school. On 15 March 2004, a new lawLegifrance.gouv.fr, link to the law, available at: http://www.legifrance.gouv.fr/affichTexte.do?cidTexte=JORFTEXT000000417977&dateTexte is voted to reinforce the principle of secularism, whereby it is forbidden to wear ostentatious religious signs in schools; small religious signs such as a small catholic cross or the star of David are tolerated.

2009-2010

The debate on national identity comes back. In a speech on 20 June 2009, Nicolas Sarkozy declares that the burqa will not be tolerated in France, not because it is a religious problem, but because it is questioning the freedom and dignity of women. President Sarkozy even talked of the act of wearing a burqa as a modern form of “enslavement”.The NY Time, “Sarkozy Backs Drive to Eliminate the Burqa”, by Doreen Carvajal, available at: http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/23/world/europe/23france.html The debate goes on, and a law is finally voted in October 2010 and proclaimed in April 2011. What is surprising is people’s reaction to this new law. The police, for example, judge the law “inapplicable” and stated that they would not harass women wearing a niqab or a burqa, unless they were threatening the public order; even then, enforcing the law could create riots, especially in sensitive areas with a majority of immigrants.NY Times, “France Enforces Ban on Full-Face Veils in Public”, by Steven Erlanger, available at: http://www.nytimes.com/2011/04/12/world/europe/12france.html?ref=muslimveiling Shortly after the law was enacted, several press articles described the non-reaction of passers-by or the police as some women continued to go out in the streets wearing a niqab. Some argue that this indifference to the law comes with a change of landscape in French society, as the majority of the urban French population has been living side by side with immigrants for a long time now and has learnt to appreciate them, and so traditional discourses on national identity are not as effective or meaningful as they used to be.The Hindu, “Debating the veil” (viewpoint), by Sébastien Doubinsky, available at: http://www.hindu.com/mag/2011/04/24/stories/2011042450210500.htm

The current debate

Not just a French problem

The debate has spread to foreign press and was highly debated around the world, in papers like the International Herald Tribune (NY Times)NY Times, “France Enforces Ban on Full-Face Veils in Public”, by Steven Erlanger, available at: http://www.nytimes.com/2011/04/12/world/europe/12france.html and on TV channels like CNN (see video below).

France is the first country in Europe to enact such a law, but other European countries are likely to take on a similar stance.Reuters, “France starts ban on full-face veil, factbox on veils in Europe”, available at: http://blogs.reuters.com/faithworld/2011/04/11/france-starts-ban-on-full-face-veil-factbox-on-veils-in-europe/ Belgium could soon become the second European country to put a similar law into practice.Press TV, “Belgium inches closer to burqa ban”, available at: http://www.presstv.ir/detail/177573.html

What is being debated

Some key highlights of the current debate:

• For the French government, enacting the law is linked to the issue of security – however, women wearing the full-face veil claim they are ready to comply with security processes when they are asked to show their face during identity checks (at airports, in a bank, etc.).
• For some, including feminists, the law is another demonstration of men’s control over women, where men take the decision on what women should wear, and impose it with a law.
• For some people in France, and in the context of a rising Muslim population in the country, the law is a way of preserving France’s culture and traditions.
• Interestingly, and contrary to what the government is claiming, Muslim women do choose freely to wear the veil, they are not forced into it. According to some key findings from a report by the Open Society Foundations, parents/husbands have no influence on their daughter/wife’s choice of wearing the full-face veil. Most of the women wearing the niqab claim their freedom of religion – they say that wearing the niqab is their own choice and they were not forced into wearing it. Indeed, despite there being no express mandate in the Quran for women to wear a veil, many women still consider that wearing the veil is an integral expression of their faith.CNN, “France’s Islamic veil ban spurs passionate reaction worldwide”, By Michael Saba, available at: http://www.cnn.com/2011/IREPORT/04/25/defining.islam.irpt/
• The law as a direct response to the threat of rising Islam in France? According to a Pew Forum report on the global Muslim populationThe Pew Forum, “The Future of the Global Muslim Population: Projections for 2010-2030”, available at: http://pewforum.org/future-of-the-global-muslim-population-regional-europe.aspx#1, the Muslim population in France currently represents 7.5% of the total population and it is expected to grow to 10.3% in the next 20 years. Also, the number of women wearing the full-face veil has significantly grown since 2005.The Open Societies, “Unveiling the Truth: Why 32 Muslim Women Wear the Full-face Veil in France”, available at: http://www.crin.org/docs/unveiling-truth-20110411.pdf
• If Muslim women are not able to wear the full-face veil in public spaces, it means that they might decide to stay at home and therefore they will have to leave school or work – this goes back to the question of integration.

Video-Debate on France’s decision to ban face veils

Watch this video by CNN of two Muslim women debating France’s decision to ban face veils (niqabs) in public:

What are your reactions? What is the situation in your country?

Become a registered user (or log in) and add your contributions here.

See also

• Veil
• Afghanistan Unveiled
• Freedom of dress
• Syria bans niqab
• Burqavaganza

Other progress-related articles

• See [Wikigender Progress Series|Wikigender Progress Series]

References

External links

• French government’s official page for the 11 April 2011 law
• Muslim women bring their voices to the veil debate
• France’s Islamic veil ban spurs passionate reaction worldwide
• Courrier International: “C’est pourtant interdit, le niqab !”
• Reuters: France starts ban on full-face veil, factbox on veils in Europe
• Unveiling the Truth: Why 32 Muslim Women Wear the Full-face Veil in France

The United Nations-INSTRAW (UN-INSTRAW) and the Centre for Arab Women Training and Research (CAWTAR) have initiated a project on “Strengthening women’s leadership and participation in politics and decision-making in Algeria , Morocco and Tunisia “, financed by the Government of Spain.

Participation of women in politics

                                    Source: Inter Parliamentary Union (http://www.ipu.org/wmn-f/world.htm) 2007

The participation of women in politics and decision-making is one of the central areas of focus of the Fourth World Conference on Women (1995), reaffirmed in 2000 by the Millenium Development Goals (MDGs) through Goal #3 “Promote Gender Equality and Empower Women” and its target 3.3. “Proportion of seats held by women in national parliament.” In the Tunis Declaration of the Arab Summit held in May 2004, Arab State leaders expressed their commitment to “…widening women’s participation in the political, economic, social, cultural and educational fields and reinforcing their rights and status in society.” In addition, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) work towards strengthening women’s political leadership and their participation in political decision-making bodies to at least 30% of representatives.

In spite of these efforts and the progress achieved in recent years, the substantive participation of women in political life is still limited.

The same reality exists at the local level, with significant differences between countries. Whereas in Morocco only 0.55% of elected municipal representatives are women (2003), in Algeria women made up 8.26% of representatives (2002-2007) and in Tunisia they reached 27% (2005-2008).

Within the context described above, the UN-INSTRAW/CAWTAR project aims to mobilize women and men from different sectors – government, civil society, political parties, academia and the media – in order to support a participatory dialogue on the project’s main issues, taking into account the unique context of this Arab sub-region as well as the specific circumstances in each of the project countries.

Project priorities

The project prioritizes research and analysis, capacity-building, communication and advocacy in the following ways:

(i) building a more in-depth understanding of the status, obstacles, challenges and opportunities for women’s leadership and their participation in politics and decision-making at the local, national and sub-regional levels;
(ii) strengthening the capacity of the main actors in political and decision-making processes through the exchange of information and good practices;
(iii) creating policy dialogue among key stakeholders on the project’s main issues in order to support awareness and integration of gender issues in development processes.

It’s important to note that communication – in particular the representation of women in politics through media in Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia – constitutes a cross-cutting priority at all phases and levels of the project.

Women politicians heading electoral lists in Tunisian legislative election speak of their political experiences

Do you want to know more about the work of Tunisian women politicians?
Are you curious to know what they think of their political competition and the media?

You can now explore these questions by watching the video interviews of seven women who headed the electoral lists of their respective parties in the last Tunisian legislative elections held in November 2009. Filmed during the electoral campaign, this innovative video initiative launched by UN-INSTRAW & CAWTAR has as its goal to share experiences around women’s political engagement. In addition to being a tool for political communication, these videos also servea didactic purpose in allowing one to observe in detail political action taking place on the ground. With a duration of 12 minutes each, the videos have been filmed in Arabic and subtitled in English.

We invite you to access the videos on our website by clicking here.

More information (French and Arabic)

Other contacts

P.O. BOX nr.105
1003 Cité El Khadra
Tunis- Tunisie
Tel: +216 (0)71 792 298
Fax: +216 (0)71 780 002
E-mail : gdepaoli@un-instraw.org  wpp@cawtar.org

Website link: http://www.un-instraw.org/en/ggpp/maghreb-project/maghreb-project-2.html

http://www.un-instraw.org

Website of CAWTAR: http://www.cawtar.org

See also

• United Nations-INSTRAW
• Center of Arab Women for Training and Research
• Women in Government (WIG, United States of America)
• Women's Political Empowerment

Mission

Women’s World Organization for Rights, Literature, and Development, or Women’s WORLD, campaigns to have women’s voices heard with the same respect as men’s, campaigning in particular against gender-based censorship.

Activities

Women’s WORLD will undertake work in the following areas:

• research, explore, and educate the public about the scope and prevalence of gender-based censorship, and work to have this problem redefined as a human rights abuse that violates the right to free expression of more than half the world’s population.
• defend writers who are attacked because of their views on gender or because they are women who dare to write.
• mount international press campaigns about particular cases and extreme abuses
• encourage the development of women’s presses and journals, the first line of defense against gender-based censorship, and strive to link them internationally, so they can share views and resources and create a social space for women’s independent political thought.

History

The idea for Women’s WORLD grew out of protest at the organisation of the 48th Congress of International PEN in New York in 1986 where only 16 out of 117 speakers were women. Norman Mailer, then President of PEN American Center, explained that this was because 1) the speakers at this Congress had to be writers of real distinction; 2) other women writers had been invited but didn’t come; 3) the theme of the Congress was intellectual and, while plenty of women were writers, Susan Sontag was the only woman intellectual. Two hundred women responded in an impromptu protest meeting, called by Grace Paley and chaired by Meredith Tax, which took over the ballroom of the Essex House Hotel, drafted a petition, and demanded speakers at the plenary.

Following the Congress, women active in the protest then organized a Women’s Committee within PEN American Center, with Paley and Tax as co-chairs. In subsequent years, the committee produced a number of excellent public events, saw many of its members elected to the board, and become acknowledged as a force for democracy and new ideas within PEN American Center. Between 1989 and 1994, different committees and conferences met in different cities around the world to discuss the role of gender, literature and free expression. In 1994, Paula Giddings, Ninotchka Rosca, and Meredith Tax incorporated the Women’s World Organization for Rights, Literature, and Development, or Women’ WORLD.

References

• http://www.wworld.org/about/about.htm